This article analyses London's street markets in the years between 1850 and 1939. It shows how this was a period of significant growth for street markets, with both steeply increasing numbers of markets and a steady increase in the number of stalls overall. These markets were informal and unauthorized for much of the period under discussion; the administrative/local government context was complex, and competing authorities (the City of London, London County Council, metropolitan boroughs and national government) hesitated in regulating the organic growth of street market trading, while also recognizing the contribution it made to bringing cheap food and commodities to the population of London. It will be argued that the street market, far from being merely the survival of a primitive form of retail, flourished in response to modernity in London. It should be analysed alongside other developing forms of retail, and considered for its contribution to the culture and material culture of the city.

Following the loss of Surinam to the Netherlands in 1667, the English Crown attempted to evacuate those of its subjects living in the colony under Dutch rule. In doing so, its representatives laid claim to members of the Jewish population, who Surinam's English governors had previously declared to be “considered as English-born.” In the resulting dispute between the English and Dutch over who could be removed, Crown officials embraced articulations of subjecthood forged in the colony that differed from metropolitan norms. In asserting that Surinam's Jews remained subjects of the king, and by implying that they would continue to do so once evacuated, the English delegation departed from the Crown's frequent rejection of the wider efficacy of colonial naturalization. Surinam's Dutch governor, meanwhile, dismissed the assertion that members of the “Hebrew nation” could be subjects of an English king, arguing that subjecthood and nationality were identical and that only those of the English nation could be removed. The dispute between the English and the Dutch over the status of Surinam's Jews reminds us that English subjecthood was shaped by colonial settings and by the contested status of groups who found themselves transferred between imperial powers.

A la différence du latin, les langues romanes possèdent des verbes «polylexicaux», en particulier des constructions à verbe support. Partant de l’hypothèse que ces constructions sont des structures grammaticalisées ou en voie de grammaticalisation, la présente étude se propose d’examiner dans quelle mesure il est possible d’analyser le choix entre les verbes supports comme un choix entre diverses valeurs d’aspect ou de phase. Si cette idée se vérifie, les verbes supports pourraient être considérés comme membres du paradigme temporel, aspectuel et modal (TAM) du français, à l’instar de la morphologie verbale et des auxiliaires verbaux de temps, d’aspect et de mode. J’utilise le terme paradigme selon la définition de Nørgård-Sørensen et al. (2011) qui implique un choix entre formes ayant chacune sa valeur grammaticale propre.

Recent research has shown that homophonous lexemes show systematic phonetic differences (e.g. Gahl 2008, Drager 2011), with important consequences for models of speech production such as Levelt et al. (1999). These findings also pose the question of whether similar differences hold for allegedly homophonous affixes (instead of free lexemes). Earlier experimental research found some evidence that morphemic and non-morphemic sounds may differ acoustically (Walsh & Parker 1983, Losiewicz 1992). This paper investigates this question by analyzing the phonetic realization of non-morphemic /s/ and /z/, and of six different English /s/ and /z/ morphemes (plural, genitive, genitive-plural and 3rd person singular, as well as cliticized forms of has and is). The analysis is based on more than 600 tokens extracted from conversational speech (Buckeye Corpus, Pitt et al. 2007). Two important results emerge. First, there are significant differences in acoustic duration between some morphemic /s/’s and /z/’s and non-morphemic /s/ and /z/, respectively. Second, there are significant differences in duration between some of the morphemes. These findings challenge standard assumptions in morphological theory, lexical phonology and models of speech production.

Depuis plus d’un siècle, les linguistes débattent de la disparition du passé simple. Le PS est un paradigme moribond pour les uns, une forme d’emploi toujours restreint ou encore en voie de spécialisation pour d’autres. La discussion sur le devenir du PS ne prend cependant son sens que sous un éclairage diachronique. Le présent article examine donc les emplois du PS au travers de l’histoire de la langue française. Si le PS a perdu une fonction depuis l’ancien français et est sorti de l’oral spontané, il n’en jouit pas moins d’une place privilégiée dans certains contextes (narration) et cotextes (3èmes personnes). Le tiroir semble même avoir récemment investi de nouvelles formes d’expression, comme le storytelling en mercatique. L'étude conclut en suggérant des pistes de recherche pour évaluer la position réelle du PS en français contemporain.

L'article propose d'étudier diachroniquement le conditionnel passé (noté CONDPA) qui a pour particularité de pouvoir signifier contextuellement la contrefactualité (ex. Si j'avais su, je neseraispasvenu.). Le but de cette étude est de retracer, à travers une analyse de corpus, l'émergence de cette interprétation contrefactuelle, qui s'est généralisée en français à partir du 17ème siècle. Ce changement coïncide avec l'acquisition d'une valeur de passé aoriste, correspondant au dernier stade du chemin d'évolution des formes parfaites décrit par Bybee et al. (1994). L'émergence de la contrefactualité est analysée comme le résultat de la conventionnalisation d'inférences (cf. Heine 2002).

What is it for a life to be meaningful? In this article, I defend what I call Consequentialism about Meaning in Life (or CML for short), the view that (1) one's life is meaningful at time t just in case one's surviving at t would be good in some way, and (2) one's life was meaningful considered as a whole just in case the world was (or will be) made better in some way for one's having existed.