This article examines the Canada-United States Safe Third Country Agreement (STCA) in relation to a growing literature on bureaucrats’ role in immigration policy making, while challenging interpretations of the agreement as a “Europeanization” of Canadian policy. Canada is a prototypical liberal “migration state” that balances economic considerations, national security, rights and broader cultural concerns through its immigration regime. We open the “black box” of the state to examine how bureaucratic decision making informed the development of Canada’s asylum system. Drawing on interviews, archival materials and government documents, we show bureaucrats simultaneously sought to manage asylum backlogs and ensure compliance with international obligations while countering advocacy group opposition. The STCA reflects a uniquely Canadian approach to balancing competing imperatives in refugee policy, highlighting the role of bureaucrats in shaping immigration policy within domestic and international constraints. This research contributes to understanding the historical development of migration control policies in liberal democracies.

We investigated the effects of maternal vitamin and mineral supplementation throughout gestation on gene expression in the jejunal mucosa of neonatal calves. Crossbred Angus heifers (n = 14) were estrus synchronized, bred to female-sexed semen, and randomly assigned to a basal diet (Control, CON; n = 7) or the basal diet plus vitamin and mineral supplement (Treatment, VTM; n = 7). After parturition, calves were removed from their dams before suckling, fed colostrum replacer, and euthanized 30 h after the first feeding. A subsample of the mucosa of the mid-jejunum was collected, and total RNA was isolated. Gene expression was measured using RNA-Seq, and differentially expressed genes (DEGs) were identified using DESeq2. We identified 528 DEGs from the jejunal mucosa between the VTM and CON calves (P ≤ 0.05 and |log2FC| ≥ 0.5). The DEGs were associated with nutrient transport, lipid metabolism, and immune-related biological processes and pathways. Interestingly, genes underlying the complement and coagulation cascades were mostly downregulated in calves born to VTM dams. On the other hand, the cytokine-cytokine receptor interaction KEGG pathway showed most genes upregulated (LIFR, KDR, TNFRSF4, TNFSF18, FLT1, and TNFRSF12A). Our results show that vitamin and mineral supplementation throughout gestation affects genes underlying tissue structure, nutrient transport and metabolism, and immune system pathways in neonates. The implications of such changes and the long-term outcomes on herd health and performance warrant further research.

We analyse a volume-limited sample from the Sloan Digital Sky Survey to compare the spatial clustering and physical properties of active galactic nuclei (AGN) and star-forming galaxies (SFG) at fixed stellar mass. We find no statistically significant difference in clustering strength or local density between AGN and SFG. However, after matching their stellar mass distributions, we detect statistically significant differences (at a confidence level $\gt99.99\%$) in colour, star formation rate (SFR), $4000$Å break measurements (D4000), and morphology. These differences persist across both low- and high-density environments, suggesting that AGN are not driven by environmental factors. The development of favourable conditions for AGN activity within a galaxy may depend on the diverse evolutionary histories of galaxies. Our results imply that AGN activity may arise stochastically, modulated by the complex assembly history of galaxies.

The three decades spanning the 1930s, '40s, and '50s witnessed the birth of the modern global state system, characterized by a protracted and tortuous transition from a world of empires to a world of nation-states. The demise of Nazi, British, and Japanese empires emancipated millions of people across the world. However, as old empires dissolved, new post-imperial states continued older colonial-origin forms of ethno-religious discrimination and ruling-class dominance, or invented novel hierarchies. Hence, this epoch was marked by catastrophic outbursts of racial violence, sectarian war, and genocide. If majoritarian nation-states were the privileged offspring of this transformation, then refugees were the unwanted issue. The national citizen and the refugee were co-created. Against their forced displacement and subalternization, refugees re-politicized their selves. We define this as ‘the refugee political’: refugees constructing themselves as political beings and building wide-ranging alliances – with churches, politicians, and entrepreneurs; with peasants, industrial workers, and feminists. They became ‘subaltern internationalists’, linking the Dachen Islands to the United States, and maritime Southeast Asia to India; connecting central European Jews to Australian women, or impoverished Indians to Soviet and Chinese communists. They created new forms of ‘refugee polis’ – political communities which were simultaneously local and daringly transnational.

We present a study of the Gyangarh and Anjana granitoids in the Aravalli Craton, northwestern India, with new data on their whole-rock geochemistry, U-Pb zircon and U-Th-total Pb monazite geochronology and structures and microstructures. These granitoids are monzogranites with metaluminous and calc-alkalic geochemical characters. They show negative Eu anomalies with depletions in Sr and Ti, indicating fractionation of plagioclase and Fe-Ti oxides from their parental magmas. U-Pb zircon dating of granitoids yielded crystallization ages of 1776 ± 35 Ma to 1709 ± 29 Ma, indicating that the plutons were emplaced during the late stages of the Aravalli orogeny. These plutons have been variably deformed and show shallow- to moderately dipping mylonitic foliations (<40°) with shallow (<30°) NW- to NE-plunging stretching lineations (SL1). The pole distribution of the mylonitic foliation (S1) and lineation (SL1) data indicates that the gentle mylonitic foliations have been overprinted by steep (>65°), NE-SW-striking S2 mylonitic foliations. The kinematic indicators suggest that the D1 and D2 deformations were associated with dextral-normal and sinistral-reverse senses of shearing, respectively. Monazite dating of texturally constrained grains shows that the pluton experienced intense mylonitization (D1-S1; 1653 ± 30 Ma) during the waning stages of the Aravalli orogeny. Later, these plutons experienced a second episode of mylonitization (933 ± 11 Ma to 897 ± 9 Ma) due to sinistral-reverse shearing (D2-S2) during the late stages of the Delhi orogeny. These new results show that the Gyangarh and Anjana plutons record signatures of two major orogenies that have shaped the Sandmata Complex (Aravalli Craton) in the Palaeoproterozoic.

The British Raj formally ended on 15 August 1947. In the years following the bifurcation of British India into Hindu-majority India and Muslim-majority Pakistan, between 11 and 18 million people migrated to escape sectarian pogroms at the hands of the majority population. By 1950, many South Asian – specifically Bengali – refugees were radically critiquing decolonization. Theorizing from their experiences of proletarianization, East Bengali refugees argued that decolonization had been incomplete. The postcolonial Indian state was a neocolonial state allied to Western imperialism. Refugees imagined themselves as part of a worldwide struggle between Anglo-American imperialism and Sino-Soviet-led socialist anti-imperialism. Refugees assembled in hundreds and thousands across the Indian state of West Bengal to overthrow regimes of big private property. They condemned the operations of money economy. They aimed to overcome capitalism. Inspired by Chinese communists, they built a vast confederal democracy uniting refugee camps and colonies – a ‘refugee polis’. This article offers a socially-contextualized intellectual history of this epic transformation, which delegitimized the postcolonial Indian state and dramatically drew the country, through struggles waged by refugees, into the tumult of the Cold War. The article prompts us to visualize the subaltern origins of the Cold War in India.

We provide a simplified test to determine if choice data from a two-commodity consumption set satisfies the Generalized Axiom of Revealed Preference (GARP), and thus the preference or utility maximization hypothesis. We construct an algorithm for this test and illustrate its application on experimental choice data.

Afriat’s (Int Econ Rev 14(2): 460–472, 1973) critical cost efficiency index is often used to measure the extent to which experimental choice data violate the axioms of revealed preference. Under certain conditions, the index yields a value of one—which typically signifies rational choice—when, in fact, the choice violates the axioms. We term this a cost efficient violation (CEV) of the axioms, clarify the conditions under which it arises, and find that CEVs comprise the majority of violations in three of four studies reviewed. We suggest changes in experiment design to eliminate or reduce the likelihood of CEVs.

Past studies on laboratory corruption games have not been able to find consistent evidence that subjects make “immoral” decisions. A possible reason, and also a critique of laboratory corruption games, is that the experiment may fail to trigger the intended immorality frame in the minds of the participants, leading many to question the very raison d’être of laboratory corruption games. To test this idea, we compare behavior in a harassment bribery game with a strategically identical but neutrally framed ultimatum game. The results show that fewer people, both as briber and bribee, engage in corruption in the bribery frame than in the alternative and the average bribe amount is lesser in the former than in the latter. These suggest that moral costs are indeed at work. A third treatment, which relabels the bribery game in neutral language, indicates that the observed treatment effect arises not from the neutral language of the ultimatum game but from a change in the sense of entitlement between the bribery and ultimatum game frames. To provide further support that the bribery game does measure moral costs, we elicit the shared perceptions of appropriateness of the actions or social norm, under the two frames. We show that the social norm governing the bribery game frame and ultimatum game frame are indeed different and that the perceived sense of social appropriateness plays a crucial role in determining the actual behavior in the two frames. Furthermore, merely relabelling the bribery game in neutral language makes no difference to the social appropriateness norm governing it. This indicates that, just as in the case of actual behavior, the observed difference in social appropriateness norm between bribery game and ultimatum game comes from the difference in entitlement too. Finally, we comment on the external validity of behavior in lab corruption games.