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Denmark’s approach to European law was distinct from most other member states in that it remained a largely administrative rather than judicial process. This chapter explores how Danish civil servants, rather than politicians or courts, managed Denmark’s interaction with European law, proactively shaping its application whilst also containing its implications. Denmark’s well-known reluctance toward European integration writ large is mirrored in its interactions with EU law, seeking to maximise economic benefits while limiting the in-roads on national sovereignty by supranational institutions. Danish courts were initially hesitant to engage with the ECJ, avoiding preliminary references. Despite this cautious approach, Danish governments pragmatically defended the ECJ’s authority in European institutions, recognising that a strong legal system could serve Danish interests as a small member state. The chapter concludes that while Denmark did not actively resist European law, it strategically managed its impact through administrative means rather than direct judicial or political engagement.
Chapter 6 adopts a cross-national perspective to reassess the overall strength of the first wave of democratization outside of Britain and France. It argues that four states that scholars have long considered examples of vanguard democracies or “settled cases of democracy” in northern Europe (Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, and Sweden) do not really fit this description. Belgium and the Netherlands were clearly competitive oligarchies on the eve of WWI. Denmark was indeed one of the most democratic states in Europe by WWI, but its path there had been marked by periods of militarism and rollbacks of suffrage. Sweden was not a democracy by any measure until after WWI. In each of these cases, elites ran clean elections that, because of counter-majoritarian institutions and suffrage restrictions, fell significantly short (outside of Denmark from 1901 to 1914) from the principle of one man, one vote.
This chapter compares the development of pension regimes in Sweden and Denmark to demonstrate how variable political and economic constraints shaped social democratic policy choices. Social democratic parties in both countries have tried to pursue broadly similar policy strategies (tax-financed basic pensions; state-run, earnings-related pensions with publicly controlled pension funds). Swedish social democrats prevailed, at least for several decades, while their Danish counterparts turned to collective bargaining to pursue worker influence on the investment of pension capital when the legislative route was blocked. These trajectories demonstrate the role of learning and compromise by social democratic parties. In neither country were social democrats able to achieve a parliamentary majority, so legislative success required bargaining with other parties and with their trade union allies. Moreover, social democratic parties faced dilemmas concerning unanticipated pension policy legacies. Swedish social democrats had to compromise with other parties in the 1998 reform to address weaknesses in the ATP pension system. Danish social democrats faced tougher electoral constraints and have been unable to match the electoral performance of their Swedish counterparts. With the legislative route closed off, Danish social democrats lined up behind capital-funded, earnings-related pension solution based on collective bargaining.
This chapter examines how growing policy portfolios and administrative burdens affect environmental and social policy implementation in Denmark. Despite Denmark’s relatively modest overall policy growth, local environmental authorities face increasing overload, resorting to policy triage where tasks are postponed or selectively neglected. By contrast, central environmental agencies—the Danish Environmental Protection Agency, Nature Agency, and Energy Agency — experience similar expansions in policy tasks but display minimal triage due to greater resource mobilization opportunities and a strong sense of policy ownership. In social policy, national agencies likewise show no triage despite decentralized responsibilities for unemployment and welfare programs. Notably, municipal job centers also avoid triage despite rising task complexity, leveraging clear political attention, central–local consultation, and reimbursement schemes that encourage sufficient funding. Taken together, these findings underscore that policy expansion does not uniformly result in triage. Instead, blame-attribution structures, resource mobilization channels, and organizational commitment determine whether implementers can compensate for chronic overload.
HIV/AIDS posed a significant health threat in Denmark from the early 1980s until the end of the 1990s, claiming approximately 2,000 lives. Gay men, hemophiliacs, drug users, sex workers and migrants were overwhelmingly among the victims of the disease. They also constituted the groups most associated with it. This led to a raised level of public attention to these groups; a heightened visibility that ambiguously resulted both in improving the life conditions of some while also increasing the stigma of others. This article analyses the roles of different cross-sector actors in shaping the responses to HIV/AIDS in Denmark, with each group influencing and being influenced by the epidemic. Yet despite the clear connection between HIV/AIDS and the minoritized, often marginalized, groups, the article argues that the overarching and dominant response objective during the crisis in Denmark was to prevent a heterosexual epidemic. Throughout the crisis, other responses, aims and objectives concerning the groups most affected by HIV/AIDS could be, and did become, contingent with this dominant objective. The strengths and positions of those subresponses depended on, however, the perceptions of them as logical and tangible means to the primary end of preventing the heterosexual epidemic. Pulling together different and changing responses from different and changing actors serves to crystallize what objectives or logics are the mutual ones, and the significance of this analysis is that what appeared to be a very heterogeneous set of responses to the disease in Denmark, was in fact rooted in the same objective. Notably, the perceived pertinence of preventing the heterosexual epidemic was not rooted in actual rates of infection or spread of the disease.
Political disagreement in interpersonal communication increases attitudinal ambivalence and can depress voter turnout. These effects seem to be driven by a wish to avoid social controversy rather than informational gains from encountering other opinions. This article shows that political disagreement in interpersonal communication increases the difficulty of deciding for which party to vote. Moreover, this effect is a result of social disapproval of one's party preference, while political expertise in interpersonal communication has no effect. For voter turnout, no direct effect of social disapproval of one's party preference is found. However, disapproval has an indirect influence on turnout via difficulty of vote choice. In sum, both political attitudes and political behaviour are affected by social pressures. Students of political attitudes and behaviour should try to include interpersonal discussion in their models in greater detail than is common practice today.
Voters show ambivalent attitudes towards political parties: They agree that parties are necessary, but they neither like nor trust them. Existing theories fall short of explaining this paradox because they pay little attention to public opinion research. In this paper, we develop a different argument using qualitative methods. We first integrate the literature on political parties and public opinion to sketch the contours of our theory before refining it using rich empirical insights from open-ended survey answers and focus group data. Our resulting model holds that voters evaluate political parties based on the functional and virtuous linkages. They consider parties necessary because they see them as fulfilling democratic functions, but they dislike them because they are seen as behaving in non-virtuous ways when fulfilling their functions. Besides proposing a new analytical model, we also contribute to the literature by methodologically illustrating how to develop data-based theories.
This article analyses the content and processes of reforms in the university sector in Denmark. It reveals radical reforms combining governance reforms, research policy reforms and educational policy reforms anchored in New Public Management ideas. The reforms introduce values that are alien to prevailing university values. They change decision-making processes and may have problematic constitutive effects on academic practice. The challenge to political science lies in the difficulty of documenting accountability, while still meeting the demand for economic value.
There are many advantages in establishing National Ph.D. programmes, but so are the challenges in getting them in motion. These challenges are caused by the intensified competition between departmental Ph.D. programmes, which is a product of the emergence of the audit society. The Danish national political science programme POLFORSK has managed to deal with these difficulties and has established a very successful programme that raises the quality of the Ph.D. programmes in Denmark considerably. This has been possible due to governmental funding that has helped to transform the relationship between national and departmental programmes into a positive-sum game, and paved the way for a systematic provision of highly specialised courses with a strong international profile that serve as a valuable supplement to the more basic Ph.D. courses provided by the individual departments.
The COVID-19 pandemic presents Northern-based development organisations with unprecedented difficulties. They are challenged in fundraising opportunities in their home countries and in finding ways to continue their work in the Global South. As the first study to present a systematic mixed method, cross-country study of small-scale, voluntary development organisations in four different European countries, this study provides insight into the role of these private development initiatives (PDIs) in the COVID-19 crisis and sheds light on the differential impact of the crisis on these organisations. Whereas most PDIs are involved in long(er)-term development interventions, the COVID-19 crisis was for most organisations their first experience of emergency aid. Overall, we see strong resilience among PDIs and also find that the organisations which relied more exclusively on traditional methods of fundraising (offline) received a greater funding hit than organisations—often with more younger members—that had already moved to online fundraising.
Corporatism may be seen as variety of capitalism in which specific structural prerequisites such as unionization, centralization, and strong states combined with bargaining and concertation produce certain economic outputs. Corporatism may also be seen as a variety of democracy in which interest groups are integrated in the preparation and/or implementation of public policies. Departing in the last position, we measure the strength of Scandinavian corporatism by the involvement of interest groups in public committees, councils, and commissions. Corporatism in relation to the preparation of policy has gone down in all three Scandinavian countries whereas corporatism in implementation processes are more varied among the three countries.
The purpose of this article is to depict three ideal type models of how the youth is represented along the steps of the recruitment ladder: a. The ‘equality’ model with equal representation along the whole recruitment process, from electorate to government; b. The ‘pyramid’ model, where the higher up in the political hierarchy, the fewer young people are represented; c. The ‘hourglass’ model, where young people are better represented among voters, elected representatives, and ministers, but make up a smaller share of party/youth wing members, potential candidates, and candidates. The application of these models to the most likely to be equal Danish case reveals the fit to the hourglass model. Even if well represented in parliament, the youth is less likely to vote and enrol in a party, hence, they are missing in some of the established institutions of parliamentary democracy.
This chapter examines beer and beer culture in the Nordic countries – Sweden Denmark, Norway, Finland, and Iceland. It notes some key innovations made in relation to beer, such as Norwegian kveik yeast and the important research work done at Carlsberg. A set of unique laws is also examined.
Chapter 2 examines the history of Leo Kari and other Scandinavian volunteers in the International Brigades. It takes issue with the long-standing depiction of the voluntary army in Spain as ’Comintern mercenaries’ or as essentially the sole invention of international communism. In addition, the chapter follows the trajectories of different members of the resistance movements in Denmark and Norway and examines why historians have typically overlooked the fact that the core of World War II sabotage groups were nearly all former volunteers of the civil war who used their military expertise from Spain to position themselves as leaders of the resistance. Most former war volunteers were completely marginalised in the Cold War climate emerging after 1947–1948, yet some of them still insisted on a third military adventure. The anti-colonial struggles were seen as a new opening, as is evident from Leo Kari’s renewed efforts to mobilise a voluntary army for the Algerian war of liberation in the early 1960s.
This essay explores the Danish concept of hygge, commonly glossed as “coziness,” as a structure of feeling attuned to particular qualities of light. It draws from an ethnographic study of Copenhagen Municipality’s Climate Plan to build the world’s first carbon-neutral capital. Homing in on one of the Climate Plan’s inaugural initiatives—the LED (light-emitting diode) conversion of street lighting—it tracks how ambient intensities of hygge are swept up with both changing lightscapes and changing national demographics. Via a semiotics of social difference, I examine how changing qualities of artificial light are experienced as eroding culturally configured sensory comforts, and how this erosion is grafted onto a fear of the city’s potentially diminishing “Danishness.” This semiotic process is evidenced in the lamination of racialized anxieties about “non-Western immigrants” onto discomforts derived from energy-efficient lighting technologies, and the apparent intrusion of both into habit worlds of hygge. In Copenhagen, I show how a semiotic account of atmosphere illuminates the fault lines of the Danish racial imagination.
Two expert groups on global health from Norway and Denmark have recently made important strides in reenergizing the debate on the role of the Nordic countries in global health. Their tailored recommendations — emphasizing core values of human rights, equity, accountability, and local ownership alongside health security — have proven influential at a time when new forms of international collaboration in global health are urgently needed.
Fortified Island (FORTIS) examines Iron Age fortifications on the island of Bornholm to assess their characters, locations and chronologies. Through a multimethod approach, the project deepens our understanding of fortifications in relation to their physical and cultural landscapes, both on Bornholm and in the Baltic Sea Region more generally.
Denmark is one of the leading countries in establishing digital solutions in the health sector. When SARS-CoV-2 arrived in February 2020, a real-time surveillance system could be rapidly built on existing infrastructure. This rapid data integration for COVID-19 surveillance enabled a data-driven response. Here we describe (a) the setup of the automated, real-time surveillance and vaccination monitoring system for COVID-19 in Denmark, including primary stakeholders, data sources, and algorithms, (b) outputs for various stakeholders, (c) how outputs were used for action and (d) reflect on challenges and lessons learnt. Outputs were tailored to four main stakeholder groups: four outputs provided direct information to individual citizens, four to complementary systems and researchers, 25 to decision-makers, and 15 informed the public, aiding transparency. Core elements in infrastructure needed for automated surveillance had been in place for more than a decade. The COVID-19 epidemic was a pressure test that allowed us to explore the system’s potential and identify challenges for future pandemic preparedness. The system described here constitutes a model for the future infectious disease surveillance in Denmark. With the current pandemic threat posed by avian influenza viruses, lessons learnt from the COVID-19 pandemic remain topical and relevant.
Methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (MRSA) spa type t4549 is increasingly prevalent in Denmark, yet its epidemiological sources remain unclear. This study aimed to generate hypotheses about possible risk factors that may be associated with MRSA t4549 infections. We conducted a nationwide case – case questionnaire study comparing MRSA t4549 cases to other MRSA types (t002, t008, t127, t304, and t223) reported between January 2022 and November 2023. The analysis, which included descriptive statistics and logistic regression, found that 75% of MRSA t4549 cases were male. Infections were significantly more frequent in the foot (28%) and toe (54%) compared to other MRSA types. Key risk factors identified were contact with pheasants (OR = 8.70; 95%CI 1.25–174.29), participation in indoor team sports (OR = 7.54, 95%CI: 1.58–54.82) and swimming (OR = 4.15, 95%CI: 1.97–9.03). Although the limited number of cases warrants cautious interpretation, it is crucial to emphasize the need for preventive measures at both the individual and sports facility levels. Further environmental studies are needed to clarify the role of the environment and wildlife in MRSA t4549 transmission. The increasing prevalence of this spa type in Denmark underlines the importance of implementing effective public health strategies to reduce the risk of MRSA transmission.
In Denmark, a specific Act for the protection of utility models was introduced in 1992. The regulation of utility models in Danish law has been elaborated in close connection with the Danish patent law. Even though the rules are enacted separately, the wording of the Patent Act and the Utility Model Acts is similar. The interaction between the two systems is built into the design of the Acts. For example, branching-off from a patent application or patent under opposition to a utility model application is permitted. The core area for utility models is the protection via registration of “minor inventions”. These differ from “real patents” mainly by having a lower threshold for “inventive step”. Whereas an “invention” to be patentable must differ “essentially”, a “creation” should only differ “distinctly” from the state of the art. Moreover, utility model protection can be obtained without substantive examination whereas patent protection always requires a full evaluation both of the formal and substantive requirements. The term of protection for utility models is less than that of a patent. Since 1998, there has been a decline in the demand for utility model protection in Denmark.