In authoritarian contexts, the organization of academic knowledge and scholarly practices is often shaped by both formal policies and subtle social mechanisms, including disciplinary norms, faculty networks, and informal negotiation strategies. Within this framework, autocratic governments frequently restructure social and political science education, designating it as a ‘sensitive field’ to prioritize ideologically sanctioned topics and embedding regime-aligned imperatives within academic institutions. This paper examines Iran as a case study to explore the effects of state-led Islamization policies (of humanities and social science) on political science curricula, research orientations, and institutional practices. Drawing on a systematic analysis of undergraduate curricula and academic research agendas, with a focus on published papers in Iranian political science journals, the paper demonstrates that these transformations reduce disciplinary diversity, marginalize comparative and interdisciplinary approaches, and constrain the role of political science as a site of civic and intellectual engagement. Rather than a neutral adaptation of academic fields, the Islamization of political science in Iran represents a deliberate strategy of knowledge control aimed at aligning education with authoritarian governance. The findings highlight how such interventions narrow the possibilities for academic inquiry and reshape the societal functions of higher education, contributing to broader debates on authoritarianism, curriculum design, and the global politics of knowledge production.

Electrical power systems are a ubiquitous part of the Anthropocene. Wildlife interactions with these systems can be positive, for example when natural nesting substrates are limited, but are frequently negative, for example when nests catch fire or nesting individuals are electrocuted. Electrocution research focuses primarily on birds because they, especially large species, are particularly prone to electrocution. However, many other animals are also electrocuted. To explore non-avian electrocutions, we used crowdsourced data from Iran, where electric utility personnel frequently describe unusual incidents on electric industry-focused social media channels. In posts from January 2014 to December 2023, we identified 120 reports of non-avian electrocutions involving mammals (74%), reptiles (24%), amphibians (1%) and invertebrates (< 1%). Most (91%) incidents involved correctly operating electrical systems, indicating that the design of these electrical systems did not account for potential animal contacts. A few (9%) involved malfunctioning electrical components (overturned or energized power poles) that would also have been hazardous to humans. The greatest number of electrocutions occurred as a result of contact with low-voltage and ground-mounted equipment. For example, 220–600 V freestanding switchboards accounted for about one-third of electrocutions. Many of the documented incidents involved outages (n = 71), or outages together with fire ignitions (n = 8), indicating cascading effects on human populations and the environment. Mitigation measures to prevent these incidents are widely available, and should be used throughout the electrical system. Future research should document and quantify non-avian incidents beyond Iran, to better understand the impact of electrical systems on non-avian wildlife.

In 1958, the Israeli Broadcasting Authority established a fifteen-minute daily Persian-language program targeting Iranian listeners, restarting segments that had begun almost a decade earlier. These broadcasts were written and produced by recent Iranian Jewish immigrants to the country, who brought press and activism experience and expertise from their country of origin. The purpose of these broadcasts was to highlight Israel’s economic and technological achievements, convey its foreign policy perspectives, and strengthen elite connections with Iran. In the process, such broadcasts also became the focal point for an increasingly internationalizing Iranian population, a fact that remained true up to and beyond the country’s 1978–79 revolution. Studies of radio in Israel have noted the medium’s function in both domestic constructions of the new state’s identity and culture as well as public diplomacy facing its enemies and allies. This article shows that Persian-language radio broadcasts served both these purposes, as well as positing a further function in their use as a point of transnational connectivity, beyond relations with Israel alone. In so doing, this article points to the power of listeners in structuring their own communities, even in response to state-centric media campaigns.

Recent commentaries on Iran have stressed attacks on workers and wages by a neoliberal regime bent on slashing costs in response to sanctions, stagnation, and inflation. At the same time, Iranian political elites and government experts uniformly advocate for higher minimum pay. Underneath this paradox lies a complex shift of class inequality away from salary scales determined by firms and government agencies toward a single minimum wage set every year by the Supreme Labor Council, the central body responsible for employment policy. The result is not labor discipline or wage repression but an unruly wage containment state. Integrating archival sources, interviews, and statistical data, the article examines how elite conflicts, societal interests, and economic forces have structured the politics of pay in Iran. Framed comparatively, Iran’s wage containment state is a product of the way in which politics, development, and international relations have shaped Iranian capitalism.

This article introduces the concept of the weaponisation of emotion to analyse how emotional responses are strategically cultivated during instances of international political captivity. Using the case of Swedish EU diplomat Johan Floderus’s 2022 detention in Iran, it explores how states manipulate collective emotions – such as fear, outrage, and pride – to pursue political, ideological, or diplomatic objectives. Drawing on intergroup emotions theory (IET), it is argued that emotions are not mere by-products of crisis but deliberate tools of emotional statecraft, shaping public reactions, pressuring foreign governments, and reinforcing domestic legitimacy. Political captivity thus becomes more than coercion or negotiation. It transforms into a symbolic arena where emotional narratives escalate tensions, mobilise identity politics, and generate international support or condemnation. By linking emotion research with security and IR scholarship, this study offers a novel framework for understanding the socio-psychological dimensions of state power and highlights the volatility and strategic potential of collective emotions in global politics.

Iran is one of the most stigmatised countries of the twenty-first century: having been sanctioned by the US since 1979, the Islamic Republic was declared part of the ‘axis of evil’ by President George W. Bush in 2002, and from 2006 onwards, it has been subject to multilateral, comprehensive and wide-reaching economic sanctions. In June 2025, this discursive and economic attack on Iran transitioned to direct military bombardment. For the United States and its allies, Iran is a pariah state. This stigmatisation of Iran is an example of the kinds of practices that contribute to the social construction of the international order, whereby some countries are designated as ‘inside’ and others as ‘outside’ the community of established states. Needless to say, Iran has been placed firmly in the ‘outside’ category ever since 1979. At the same time as accepting and even at times embracing this ‘outsider’ status, however, Iran has also sought to raise its own international standing and to be accepted as an ‘insider’.

A growing body of evidence finds that rural electrification reduces fertility, typically by expanding women’s opportunities outside the home and raising the opportunity cost of childbearing. We examine electrification in post-revolutionary rural Iran, where electricity expanded rapidly but female labor force participation remained low. Using a large panel of villages observed in the 1986, 1996, and 2006 censuses, we show that while Ordinary Least Squares estimates align with the broader literature in suggesting a negative association between electrification and fertility, instrumental variable estimates exploiting elevation-based variation reveal the opposite: villages with longer exposure to electricity experienced higher fertility. This positive effect is strongest in provinces with lower female labor force participation, indicating that the substitution channel emphasized in prior research was weak in the Iranian context. These findings highlight the importance of context in shaping demographic responses to infrastructure and suggest that electrification’s effects on fertility are not universally negative.

Antecedents and consequences of employer-supported volunteering (ESV) have been widely studied. Yet, in the literature, few studies have attempted to succinctly assess this phenomenon in non-Western countries. In this regard, the primary purpose of this study is to understand the antecedents and consequences of employee participation in ESV in Iranian organizations. To achieve this, we employed a qualitative method. Fifteen managers from four companies that had experienced participating in ESV programs were chosen as the sample. Having interviewed the managers, we used grounded theory method to interpret our findings. The results revealed that 25 concepts exist. These concepts were divided into five categories: personal conditions; types of employee participation in ESV (core phenomenon); intra-organizational conditions; environmental conditions; and consequences. Finally, these categories formed a conceptual framework. It seems that this framework can be a practical tool for companies intended to run ESVs, in Iran.

The first decade after the end of revolutionary events in Gilan (1920–21) was a period of active attempts by the Bolsheviks, Communist International, and Communist Party of Iran to gain a solid social foothold in Iran. This article, based mainly on Russian archival sources, focuses on the dynamics of the Communist International and Communist Party of Iran guidelines, attempts and features of their implementation, and the relationship between Iranian communists and the Bolshevik and Communist International leadership. This study demonstrates that the main Red efforts between 1922–25 aimed at building an inter-class coalition, in which cooperation with Reza Khan became only a part of these broader efforts. Their failure led the Reds to return to a previously tested course of fomenting agrarian revolution in Iran and repeated fiascos. Throughout this period, the Communist Party of Iran’s leadership did not simply execute directives but instead took an active role in the decision-making process, involved the Bolsheviks in internal party struggle, and challenged high-ranking functionaries of the Communist International.

This article analyzes various roles of development practitioners (called outsiders) in five different cases of community-based development (CBD) in rural Iran. It provides a review of the literature on CBD and identifies three main types of roles fulfilled by outsiders to support indigenous development processes. These include preparing the ground, activating community-based organizations as participatory institutions, and taking on the role of brokers who bridge the gap between the local community and outside institutions—especially the state and market. From the analysis of empirical qualitative data collected during fieldwork in Iran, the article concludes that while the roles played by the outsiders in CBD interventions there correspond mostly to those identified in the literature, there are differences in their strategies of intervention and activities under each role which correspond with their contextual contingencies. Recognizing this variation is needed to deepen the understanding of CBD practices and help practitioners think about alternative perspectives and approaches.

The present article aims to assess the relationship between the mass exodus of Iranian Christians and the Hispanic world, widening the analytical lens on early 20th-century Iranian migrations. Specifically, the study draws parallels between the humanitarian efforts of the Spanish diplomats during the Turkish occupation of northwestern Persia in 1918 and the subsequent arrival and settlement of Assyrians and Armenians in Argentina in the early decades of the twentieth century. Although numerous publications address the early Iranian diaspora and Iran during the World War I, little scholarly work examines Spain’s humanitarian role in this context or the history of the Iranian diaspora in Latin America. This finding underscores the notion that, in addition to the prominent international actors that have historically been the focus of scholarly inquiry—namely, the United States, France, Great Britain, Germany, and Russia—smaller countries also played a significant role in the events that transpired in Iran during those years. Furthermore, this study highlights the Iranian diaspora’s expansion to distant regions, such as Argentina, which has not been extensively researched in the context of Iranian studies. This comprehensive approach serves to broaden our understanding of the global history of Iran in the early twentieth century.

While animal welfare is a growing global concern, there has been very little research into how it is understood in Iran. Cultural, religious, and legal factors influence attitudes and practices in ways not addressed by existing research. This study provides culturally grounded insights for improvement of animal welfare in Iran. Utilising a validated survey tool, we investigated the attitudes of Iranians toward the welfare of farmed, companion, and wild animals. A total of 325 responses were collected. The findings indicate that animal welfare is considered important to Iranians, with the majority expressing interest in improving the welfare practices. Despite varying degrees of familiarity with different animal species, there was a consensus on the importance of enacting laws to protect animal welfare. Most participants agreed that chickens feel pain (92.9%) and emotions (79%), whereas fewer attributed these capacities to fish, with 63.6% acknowledging pain and 59.5% acknowledging emotions. Furthermore, most of the participants agreed that animals should not endure pain in the slaughter process (97.8% agreement). While the majority of participants agreed that pre-slaughter stunning was better for the animals (78.7%), only 51.7% agreed that they would prefer to eat meat from animals that had been stunned; reflecting the traditionally held views regarding the role of stunning in Halal meat production. The results of the current study support previous findings suggesting that concern for animals may be a universal human inclination, although, in Iran, attitudes towards specific species and agricultural practices are also shaped by religious perspectives.