Do anti-elitist parties behave differently in parliament than other parties? Existing evidence is inconclusive: some studies suggest that anti-elitist parties do not show a shared voting pattern as this is mainly structured by their left- or right-wing ideology. Others suggest that these parties vote against legislation more often. In order to address this question, we develop a new method that allows one to look at different explanations of voting concurrently while also taking into account characteristics of the vote. We find that anti-elitist parties do vote in a similar way and different from other parties, but only on legislative votes. As such, we present a major step forward in our understanding of and methodological approach to parliamentary voting behavior.

Little is known about the careers of parliamentarians after they leave parliament. We analyse the post‐parliamentary careers of German and Dutch parliamentarians over the last 20 years and document the presence of a persistent and substantial gender gap. This gap exists regardless of party, country or political position and persists even when the status of the pre‐parliamentary profession and achievement within parliament are controlled for. Aside from demonstrating our findings, we offer new insights into possible explanations for the dynamics behind them. Additionally, we show that parliament only serves as a stepping stone for a more successful career for a relatively small share of politicians: only 32 per cent of MPs obtain more attractive positions in the public or private sector after their legislative service.

The COVID-19 pandemic presents Northern-based development organisations with unprecedented difficulties. They are challenged in fundraising opportunities in their home countries and in finding ways to continue their work in the Global South. As the first study to present a systematic mixed method, cross-country study of small-scale, voluntary development organisations in four different European countries, this study provides insight into the role of these private development initiatives (PDIs) in the COVID-19 crisis and sheds light on the differential impact of the crisis on these organisations. Whereas most PDIs are involved in long(er)-term development interventions, the COVID-19 crisis was for most organisations their first experience of emergency aid. Overall, we see strong resilience among PDIs and also find that the organisations which relied more exclusively on traditional methods of fundraising (offline) received a greater funding hit than organisations—often with more younger members—that had already moved to online fundraising.

What have been the losses and the gains of the shift from women’s studies to gender studies for political science in The Netherlands? What are present-day opportunities and how should we move forward? Our systematic analysis of the Bachelor programmes offered by four Dutch political science departments shows that gender is not a central feature in the current curricula. Gender in political science has become dependent on personal interests and engagements at the individual level rather than being sustained by structural commitments at the departmental level. This article argues that a gender perspective should be part of the analytical toolkit of anyone trained as a political scientist. Students should be made aware that gender is a fundamental aspect of the organisation of power and therefore unambiguously political. Gender awareness impacts upon both students’ academic development and Dutch politics given that many graduates take up jobs in or close to the political environment. With this in mind, being equipped with a ‘gender lens’ will enable students to identify and explain gender inequalities and more importantly stimulate them to develop innovative strategies to close the gaps.

Social housing in Western welfare states has undergone change over recent decades, characterised by greater reliance on private actors, market mechanisms and commercial capital. Within housing research, this shift has been described as a linear ‘migration from the public sector towards the private market’, and conceptualised as ‘modernisation’. While empirical change calls for conceptual renewal, the labels we apply to processes of change may limit or enhance potential to understand them. This paper explores the problem of conceptualising change in social housing, focusing on a key facilitator of market-based reforms: the mobilisation of private not-for-profit housing associations as social enterprises in the housing market. It explores their changing roles in English and Dutch housing provision, tracking state policy shifts and debate over their organisational legitimacy for insights into their emergence and trajectories. Contrary to linear ‘modernisation’, findings suggest cyclical movement. Over time, aspects of the work and identity of housing associations shift between public and private domains.

This article analyzes the development education and exchange activities of the Dutch development organization Edukans with its longstanding experience in the “Going Global” program among secondary schools in The Netherlands. Based on a survey with 186 direct participants in the foreign exchange program and 608 schoolmates at 126 secondary schools, a detailed analysis is made of differences in knowledge, attitudes, and behavior with respect to international cooperation, and tolerance regarding ethnic minorities. To guarantee unbiased impact assessment, the same data is collected among 276 students of a comparison group. Propensity score-matching techniques are used for data analysis, controlling for intrinsic differences among the three groups. Results show that international exchange programs have a significant positive impact on all four dimensions of societal support of the direct participants compared to their schoolmates. Only knowledge and attitudes changes are registered in the scores of the schoolmates compared to the comparison group. These outcomes remain robust when corrected for individual and school characteristics, parental background, and political preferences, and when unobserved heterogeneity is included.

In this study we investigate the relationship between income and charitable giving. Previous research shows inconsistent findings regarding both the effect of income on the probability of giving and the proportion of income spent on charitable giving. We test hypotheses with the Giving in The Netherlands Panel Study 2003 (N = 1,316). We do not find an effect of income on the probability of giving, but a consistent negative effect of income on both total and religious donations as a proportion of income. This effect cannot be explained by stronger religious affiliation of lower income groups, or by other differences such as age, and price of giving. We find evidence in favor of a giving standard: Norms concerning the level of donations in specific situations that people in different income groups share, leading lower income groups to donate a higher proportion of their income.

What do national votes mean for dual citizens who have the right to vote here and there? Does political socialization in a liberal democratic system lead to a democratic remittance or do immigrant minorities align with authoritarian regimes challenging the West's liberal democratic values? In this article, we analyse voting preferences by using a transnational lens that focuses on the convergence of two different political systems via immigrant-origin voters. We focus on the Turkish-Dutch population from conservative backgrounds in our aim to gain a thorough understanding of support towards Islamic parties here (in the Netherlands) and there (in Turkey). This is one of just a few studies that have investigated the complex and layered nature of political preferences in a transnational world. A qualitative approach is followed to acquire in-depth insights of the ideas and evaluations of our research group. We collected data through semi-structured interviews (N = 21) between 2017 and 2018. Our conclusions indicate the significance of ethnic and religious identity, opening the way for Erdoğan’s authoritarian populism in shaping political preferences across the transnational political environment. Such influence, however, is limited by other factors such as adherence to democratic values and norms on the one hand and rational political calculations on the other hand.

Since 2001, the political science associations of The Netherlands and Flanders (Belgium) have sought ever closer cooperation, culminating in the organisation of annual Dutch–Belgian political science conferences. One of the goals of this unprecedented cooperation is to strengthen the visibility of Dutch-language political science, and to keep Dutch alive as a credible language for political science research. At first sight, this form of regional cooperation runs counter to processes of internationalisation and Europeanisation. It can be argued, however, that exactly these regional identities and associations (cf. also the Nordic countries) can counterbalance a one-sided orientation to Anglo-Saxon norms within international political science.

The rise of conservative religion in the West threatens the enduring positive contribution of religion to civil society, if conservative churches, as often assumed, indeed generate more bonding than bridging social capital. Against this background, this study explores the civic engagement of evangelicals in the Netherlands. Two research questions are addressed: (1) To what extent are Dutch evangelicals more involved in religious than non-religious volunteering as compared to mainline Christians and non-church members? and (2) Which decisive factors determine the religious and non-religious volunteering of Dutch evangelicals as compared to mainline Christians and non-church members? Results show that these orthodox Christians are more involved in religious than in non-religious volunteering. Their religious volunteering is determined by their church attendance, Bible reading and social embeddedness in their congregation, while their non-religious volunteering is impeded by their mono-religious orientation and social embeddedness in their congregation and by the volunteering of their parents.

EU legal scholarship’s recent ‘turn towards society’ demands new approaches to studying how EU law has been experienced and shaped both at present and in the past. Yet, there has been relatively little research on the engagement of societal actors with European law beyond a narrow focus on litigation. This article looks at a more indirect engagement with legal norms. Using the contested compliance with the EC’s 1982 Seveso directive on industrial safety as a case study, it uncovers the pivotal role that individuals and societal organisations played in procedures that have thus far been considered highly institutionalised: the infringement proceedings started by the European Commission. By tracing how the problem of preparing for disaster came to be regarded by societal actors in Italy and the Netherlands as both a legal and a European problem, it advances an approach showcasing that societal actors experienced EU law less as a separate category and more as part of a broader continuum of solutions to a societal problem.

This chapter discusses the Dutch Law on Compulsory Mental Healthcare (Wvggz), which aims to strengthen the autonomy of patients with severe mental disorders by recognizing that coercive measures can be used not only to prevent harm, but also to restore autonomy. This approach challenges the traditional notion that coercive measures inherently undermine autonomy. The chapter also explores the unintended consequences of the law, such as increased bureaucracy. We argue that while the Wvggz introduces valuable ideas, its practical implementation has highlighted the challenges of translating legislative goals into effective practices.

We present and evaluate the map-based accent-recognition task, in which listeners place speech fragments of regionally accented Netherlandic Standard Dutch on a map in a browser-based experiment. On the basis of 15,780 accent placements (from 1,578 participants), we demonstrate that this task successfully elicits listener associations between speech and space, which are mediated by listeners’ sociolinguistic representations. We subsequently assess the task’s validity by comparing the listeners’ map-based associations with objective dialectological distances: results show a significant correlation between production and perception and hence establish convergent validity. Finally, we use a hierarchical cluster analysis to map out listeners’ perceptual isoglosses. These reveal that the accent placements largely clustered along the province boundaries, but with dialectologically motivated deviations and subcategorizations. We discuss methodological implications for perceptual dialectology and sociolinguistic implications for Dutch.

The need to urgently shift away from fossil-based systems of energy for the sake of the planet and its people is clear. The green transition comes, however, with negative impacts on human rights and the environment, notably on the rights of Indigenous Peoples in the Global South, where most of the essential minerals and metals needed for the transition are found. In this piece, we discuss recent legal developments in the Netherlands from the perspective of the need for a just energy transition. Against the background of the recently adopted European Union (EU) Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD), we analyze two draft Dutch due diligence laws and their potential in the context of a just energy transition. The focus is on the rights of Indigenous Peoples who are in an extremely vulnerable position in the transition process.

Lichens, renowned for their resilience in extreme environments, serve as valuable bio-indicators of environmental conditions. Despite this recognition, environmental influences on lichen ecophysiology are not well understood in urban environments. In this study, we explore the use of functional traits in analyzing the impact of the urban heat island (UHI) on epiphytic chlorolichens. Lichen material was collected from 12 sites across an UHI gradient in Amsterdam and Leiden, the Netherlands. For each lichen specimen, the specific thallus mass (STM) and water-holding capacity (WHC) were calculated. The relationship between the UHI and STM/WHC was assessed using linear mixed models and ANOVA. Our study provides functional trait values (STM and WHC) for 18 species for which no prior data were available. Furthermore, our findings reveal a significant correlation between the UHI and the STM, which suggests STM as a potential indicator for the UHI.

Existing research has shown that there is considerable diversity when it comes to populist radical right party (PRRP) organization, but it is unclear why this is the case. The Netherlands provides an ideal laboratory to examine this question. Within two decades, the country witnessed the rise of several PRRPs, including the List Pim Fortuyn (LPF), the Party for Freedom (PVV) and Forum for Democracy (FvD). Despite ideological similarities, there are clear differences between these parties in terms of party organization. We argue that the organizational model of the FvD is a synthesis of the LPF and the PVV. To avoid internal dissension that brought about the demise of the LPF, the FvD adopted organizational elements of Geert Wilders’s ‘personal party’. The FvD also drew lessons from the financial limitations of the PVV by creating a large membership base. The findings show clear evidence of institutional learning. By learning from the experiences of others, PRRPs are becoming much better equipped to endure setbacks, which suggests that they are less likely to subside in the near future.

Chaenothecopsis inconspicua is a new anamorphic lichenicolous fungus forming black sporodochia on the thallus of Lecanora expallens. Molecular analysis demonstrates that the new species is positioned in the Mycocaliciales. Although a remarkable diversity of anamorphs was already recognized in Mycocaliciales, it is the first species within this order known to produce sporodochioid conidiomata. Chaenothecopsis inconspicua is currently known from several localities in the northern half of the Netherlands, most often on old Quercus robur trees in villages. A key to the lichenicolous fungi inhabiting Lecanora expallens is provided.