The Brazilian judicial system, notable for its extensive scope and intricate structure, grapples with significant operational challenges, including a vast backlog of cases and prolonged resolution times. Addressing these issues calls for innovative approaches, with the integration of artificial intelligence (AI) emerging as a viable solution. This chapter investigates the integration of AI within the Brazilian judiciary, providing an analysis of its implementation, challenges, and outcomes. The chapter begins by outlining the complexities of the Brazilian judiciary and the initial steps towards AI integration, with initiatives that have paved the way for various AI applications, from predictive analytics to natural language processing, aimed at improving decision-making and case management. Key case studies are examined to highlight AI’s practical benefits and limitations in the judiciary. Notable projects demonstrate improvements in efficiency and accuracy. However, they also underscore the ongoing challenges related to interoperability, data privacy, and ethical considerations. In conclusion, the chapter reflects on the future of AI in the Brazilian judiciary, emphasising the need for strategic planning, robust governance, and continuous evaluation to ensure that AI integration not only enhances efficiency but also upholds justice and fairness.

This concluding chapter synthesises insights from across The Cambridge Handbook of AI in Civil Dispute Resolution, offering a forward-looking reflection on the ethical, institutional, and technological dimensions of AI integration in civil justice systems. It traces the evolution of AI in dispute resolution – from rule-based automation in e-commerce to the emergence of agentic AI – and evaluates how foundational principles such as transparency, accountability and human-centred design must guide future developments. Drawing on the book’s thematic parts, the chapter emphasises the importance of hybrid human–AI collaboration, stakeholder-driven system design and robust governance frameworks. It warns against over-reliance on opaque technologies and highlights the need for legal professionals to maintain core skills in empathy, discretion, and communication. Ultimately, the chapter calls for a principled approach to AI adoption that enhances, rather than undermines, fairness and access to justice in both public and private dispute resolution contexts.

Compares Stanford and UC Berkeley to illustrate how dynamic capabilities shape institutional trajectories. Examines differences in governance, funding, culture, and leadership. Highlights how Stanford’s proactive engagement with industry led to its rise, while Berkeley’s slower adoption of entrepreneurial practices posed challenges.

This chapter sets out a framework to analyse the existence of international law in thirteenth-century Mongol Eurasia. It uses the category of the Universal Mongol Empire and the creation and use of the yasa (Chinggis Khan’s legal code) as the basis of the legal arena of the time. In addition to the Universal Mongol Empire, Inner Eurasia as a unit of history, the Mongol Commonwealth and the Mongol world system are used to identify the making and practice of international law in this period. The Mongol Khans articulated a specific world view that accommodated the disparateness of the Eurasian landscape, be it peoples, civilizations, religions or political ideologies. Governance (political and economic) of this multifarious empire relied on institutions that permeated throughout the empire and gave it coherence. Thus the focus is on conveying the meaning of sovereignty and law which was a product of interpolity relations that had taken place over centuries. Consequently the chapter seeks to broaden the discipline of modern international law by engaging with historic Eurasia, specifically Mongol rule in the thirteenth century.

The chapter examines the GVC research that some sociologists pioneered. One of its roots is World Systems (WS) theory, with portrayal of a commodity chain that has an input–output structure that resembles Smith’s woollen-coat example. As the world capitalist system expands, polarisation between the core and periphery worsens. Policy-induced inter-zonal mobility of peripheral countries is not impossible, but WS theorists were pessimistic. GVC researchers then emphasise two core concepts that actually share an awkward co-existence: the governance structure of and upgrading by non-lead firms (from the less-DCs) along a GVC. To infuse optimism by making upgrading seem easy, the obstructive power that lead-firms (often from advanced countries) can wield was downplayed. This appeals to mainstream economists who, as the Washington Consensus lost ground at the turn of the millennium, found it convenient to hijack GVC-research to bring about a return of neoliberal policies on trade and investment. Lately GVC-researchers start admitting upgrading is not automatic. Some offer vague GVC-oriented IP ideas that are supposedly different from traditional IP and do not involve import substitution.

This chapter analyses the WTO’s institutional features, focusing on rule-making and dispute settlement. It describes the creation of the GATT and the shift to the WTO, analysing salient aspects of the WTO’s structure. It reviews how WTO institutions have operated, highlighting problematic features and identifying potential reforms. The WTO is widely viewed as a seriously flawed institution. Despite its goal of promoting liberalised trade, members have found it virtually impossible to conclude new agreements. The dispute settlement system, once viewed as its crown jewel, now lies in tatters. While many factors have contributed to the current situation, the multilateral trading system’s institutional architecture is deeply implicated.

The governance of politics, the economy and security has evolved in the Gulf States since independence. State formation describes the process by which states have grown in capacity and resources for the governance of different public policy areas: security, economic welfare and political representation. Theoretical approaches to state formation propose to look at war-making and resource mobilisation as drivers of this. However, war-making has in the Middle East often destroyed states, rather than helped build them. Moreover, rulers of the Gulf States have benefited from abundant revenues from oil and gas that have allowed them to govern without the need to mobilise domestic revenues. The specific governance model that has emerged is described as a rentier state bargain. Rulers are expected to ensure security, provide welfare and allow for representation of their citizens. This chapter describes the evolution of these processes in the Gulf States, including how certain societal groups have been central in state formation. The chapter also discusses expectations for a social contract beyond the rentier bargain.

This chapter discusses the intricate dynamics of environmental governance, emphasising the evolution from traditional top-down approaches to contemporary multi-actor networks. It begins with a historical overview of environmental policymaking over the past five decades, highlighting key milestones such as the 1972 United Nations Conference on the Human Environment and subsequent treaties like the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement. The chapter explores the roles of various actors in shaping environmental governance. It highlights the importance of equitable power distribution and social justice in environmental decision-making. Through examples from China, Brazil and Africa, the chapter illustrates the challenges and successes of implementing environmental governance in diverse contexts. The discussion extends to marine protected areas (MPAs) as an example of collaborative governance, emphasising the need for inclusive and participatory strategies. The chapter concludes by examining the role of local networks and social capital in promoting sustainable practices, reinforcing the interconnectedness of environmental governance and social structures.

This chapter explains how the oil sector’s citizen mobilization ends up being commandeered by registered lobbyists, who use their manufactured publics to speak to politicians and regulators. Examining the case of the Keystone XL pipeline in Nebraska, the chapter explores how state government developed an array of forums for hearing citizen sentiment about the proposed project. The chapter shows that although pro- pipeline groups attracted a robust base of support, they leveraged their memberships to allow oil lobbyists to speak on behalf of citizens in these new government forums. By claiming to represent a public, pro-pipeline groups’ paid lobbyists were afforded a right to speak in meetings, hearings, and online spaces intended for everyday people. This, the chapter argues, is a main strategic driver behind the formation of many contemporary pro-oil groups.

The chapter discusses how the Gulf republics, namely Iran and Iraq, have distinct political cultures shaped by historical factors. In contrast, the monarchies, often underestimated by rentier theory, have exhibited resilience and adaptability. The analysis encompasses the Gulf states’ political institutions, examining the role of constitutions, electoral chambers, and guarantees of political and civil liberties. It highlights the political diversity within the Gulf subregion, showcasing various political systems beyond simplistic labels of ‘republic’ or ‘monarchy’. Despite these apparent structures, the chapter underscores the limitations on political and civil activities, judicial independence and press freedom in the Gulf. The discussion delves into the nuanced nature of political activism, from platforms in Iraq and Iran to the emergence of political tendencies in Bahrain and Kuwait. The text further explores the use of force to suppress dissent in various Gulf states, leading to a lack of transparency and the absence of the rule of law. Finally, the chapter assesses the IDEA ratings, revealing the subregion’s generally low scores on the ‘democratic index’. Despite the challenges and limitations, the Gulf states remain dynamic entities with diverse political organisations, and in the absence of shocks or geopolitical disruptions, the author anticipates an evolutionary rather than revolutionary change in these countries’ political systems.

Global environmental change is on the rise and has detrimental effects for most humans. Violent conflict is also increasing. The environment is almost always a victim of conflict, and conflict activities are always shaped by the environment. Understanding the interactions between the environment and conflict is difficult because of their complexity. This chapter reviews the broad literature on the environment and conflict and introduces the analytical framework that forms the core of this book.

In conflict and conflict-affected areas, the environment can take a backseat to other pressing issues. Whether due to limited capability, capacity, or will, the environment is often neglected during conflict activities, resulting in substantial risks to human health and environmental quality. Understanding how this happens and what can be done is critical to prevention and, where needed, remediation in conflict settings to promote human and environmental flourishing. This chapter explores how and why the environment can become neglected in conflict and what the key implications of this are.

Chapter 8 provides a comprehensive roadmap for enabling a societal shift toward a sustainable and equitable future. Central to the argument is the need to repurpose the “invisible hand”—a metaphor for systemic incentives that currently reinforce unsustainable behaviors—into a helping force that promotes global well-being. The chapter proposes change at both the individual and institutional levels, encouraging citizens to act within their roles—whether as voters, educators, business leaders, artists, or scientists—to nudge society toward a tipping point. The chapter explores innovative governance models such as an autonomous global climate board, and even suggests taxing extreme wealth or implementing a universal basic income to mitigate inequality and systemic stress. Education and science must shift focus toward actionable, hopeful narratives, while business and media must align incentives with public good. Ultimately, the chapter frames global transformation as possible—if society can collectively shift its worldview and reshape the systems guiding human behavior.

For people to effectively share an environment, they usually also must effectively share knowledge about that environment. While seemingly obvious and intuitive, this insight is often overlooked in literature about governing resources as commons. Focusing on the knowledge commons associated with an environmental commons helps to illuminate a host of complex governance dilemmas. This chapter examines the interrelationship between environmental and knowledge commons, weaving together different strands of commons research and practice. Examples discussed include shared pastures, forests, road systems, computer servers, social media platforms, living rooms, and antimicrobial effectiveness/resistance.