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In this chapter, I demonstrate that Hegel removes three Kantian obstacles that stand in the way of an elaboration of autonomy as a form of life. Hegel rearticulates the form of autonomy in such a way that we can recognize living beings as a basic case of autonomy. Secondly, Hegel shows that internal purposiveness is not a derivative concept, making positive knowledge of natural purposiveness intelligible. Thirdly, Hegel provides a positive account of the lived reality of freedom. Taken together, these shifts open up the possibility of understanding practical autonomy not just as analogous to living self-organization but as an actual form of living self-organization. The second half of the chapter shows how this account is underwritten by Hegel’s new understanding of the distinction between the realm of nature and of freedom. By reference to Hegel’s Philosophy of Nature, the chapter shows how he modifies Kant’s distinction in crucial ways. Firstly, he gives a new substantive account of the realm of nature, revealing how it includes a form of natural freedom. Secondly, Hegel clarifies that the realms of freedom and nature are not externally juxtaposed and argues that the differentiation of these two realms is internal to spirit. Thirdly, Hegel considers the ways in which spirit reproduces the forms of a realm of nature within itself in the shape of a second nature.
This article examines the political ecology of water and ethnic conflict in Kirkuk, Iraq. Kirkuk is an internally disputed frontier territory, controlled by the federal government of Iraq but claimed by Kurdish nationalists. Kirkuk contains some of Iraq’s largest oil fields and most productive agricultural lands. In recent decades Kirkuk has also faced water shortages tied to global climate change. The article deploys survey data, supplemented by qualitative historical research, to evaluate framing of environmental security and the relationship between water insecurity, ethnic conflict, and governance. We find that commitments to competing programs for territorial control in Kirkuk correlate with different framing of ecological risk factors. Arabic-speaking respondents frame water scarcity as a matter for the federal government. Kurdish-speaking respondents prefer to enlist the Kurdistan Regional Government or local politicians to deal with water scarcity, undercutting federal jurisdiction. These findings cast doubt on environmental security and peacebuilding theories which suggest that ecological scarcity can spur inter-ethnic cooperation toward sustainability. Rather, commitment to different ethnoterritorial programs justify different perspectives on ecological change. At a policy level, these findings show that political conciliation must come before progress in environmental peacebuilding.
This chapter examines Indigenous nation-building as a critical strategy for bridging gaps between policy intent and meaningful connection to Country, focusing on the Western Australian Aboriginal Empowerment Strategy. It highlights persistent disparities stemming from settler-colonial governance, where institutions often fail to address Indigenous cultural, social, economic, and ecological priorities. The analysis shows how empowerment efforts encounter resistance when they challenge entrenched power dynamics, reflecting systemic reluctance toward transformative change. In contrast, Indigenous nation-building provides a self-determined framework for governance, development, and community empowerment rooted in Aboriginal worldviews. The chapter assesses Western Australia’s Closing the Gap Implementation Plan 2023–2025 through this lens, underscoring the importance of cultural integrity, truth-telling, genuine partnerships, and shared decision-making. It concludes with recommendations for institutional reform, arguing that only deep systemic change can deliver equity and improved outcomes for Aboriginal communities.
This article argues that West Papuan independence activists reveal the limits of decolonisation as a universal project of self‑determination. It shows how sub‑state actors were squeezed between transnational anticolonial solidarities and an international order increasingly structured around nation‑states. Focusing on the 1960s, it traces how West Papuan leaders sought to turn a territorial dispute into a people‑centred claim to self‑determination by mobilising race‑based transnational networks that linked Melanesia to a wider Black International. Drawing on the personal papers of Nicholas Jouwe and West Papuan petitions to the United Nations and the Organisation of African Unity, the article reconstructs efforts to enlist African and Caribbean diplomats as advocates in debates over the New York Agreement and the 1969 Act of Free Choice. It shows that, while Papuan activists strategically racialised themselves as Black and Melanesian to articulate decolonisation’s unfinished business, Indonesian diplomats and many postcolonial states activated civilisational hierarchies and the discourse of development to deny their claims and close off alternative futures. By following Papuan actors across local, regional, and global arenas after formal empire, the article demonstrates how decolonisation’s discontents arose not only within new nation‑states but also from the international norms that purported to universalise self‑determination.
This chapter characterizes the five central themes that emerged from and unite the contributions to this book. It clarifies how the contributors characterized a defining conundrum of Black poetry, traces its intellectual interventions and its communal sensibilites, identifies its innovative origins and emphasis on syncretism, and captures its artistic beauties. And it clarifies how the contributors characterize the growing influence of African American poets in determining the terms of literary value in US literary culture. It verifies the expertise by which these essays validate African American poetry as a distincitve tradition and as an aspect of a US national tradition which it both critiques and enhances.
This chapter explores Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community-controlled health services (ACCHOS) and looks at the important role they play in improving health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. It is difficult to understand the Aboriginal community-controlled health sector of today without considering how the sector developed. This chapter therefore outlines the conception and establishment of the services and the political realities facing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people at the time of their commencement. This chapter is organised around a case study of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Service in Brisbane, which celebrated its 50th anniversary in 2023. To complement the case study, the chapter includes an overview of the governance structures of the community-controlled sector, as this is an area that can be difficult for health professionals to understand. The scenarios, case studies and reflective questions focus on experiences that nurses and midwives might have working in an Aboriginal community-controlled health service.
This chapter focuses on the law relating to sovereign territory. The concepts of territory and of territorial sovereignty are examined. The manner in which additional territory may be acquired is analysed. Mechanisms such as boundary treaties and boundary awards are noted, and then the methods of acquisition are discussed. These include an analysis of discovery, accretion, cession, the former use of force and conquest, and the exercise of effective control, including occupation of terra nullius and prescription. The impact of the concepts of the critical date and intertemporal law is noted. Attention then turns to the role of subsequent conduct, such as recognition, acquiescence and estoppel. The principles of territorial integrity and of self-determination in this context are then discussed, together with the doctrine of uti possidetis, both as to the colonial context and more generally. The role of subsequent practice is noted and the importance of sovereign effective control in the circumstances (‘effectivités’). The chapter continues by noting the relevance of leases and servitudes, then turns to international boundary rivers, and then the polar regions. The chapter concludes with a section on the law of outer space.
This chapter deals with the subjects of international law. The meaning of international legal personality is noted. The primary subject of the international system is the state and the conditions for the creation of statehood are examined (permanent population, defined territory, government and capacity to enter into relations with other states). Each of these conditions is examined. The role of self-determination in the context of the criteria of statehood is discussed, as is the function of recognition. The fundamental rights of states, such as independence and equality are noted. There then follow sections on particular kinds of states, such as protectorates and federal states, and then sui generis territorial entities, for example, mandated and trust territories in the past, territories under international administration, and entities of disputed status such as Taiwan, the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic, Kosovo and Palestine. Special cases such as the Sovereign Order of Malta, the Holy See and the Vatican City, and international corporations are covered before the right of peoples to self-determination is examined.
This chapter examines international humanitarian law or the laws of war or the laws of armed conflict. Its development is briefly traced and its substance based upon the four Geneva Conventions of 1949 examined. These cover the principles concerning the wounded and sick on land and on sea, the treatment of prisoners of war, and the protection of civilians in times of war. The scope and meaning of occupation is examined, ranging from the start of such occupation, the rights and duties of the occupying power and its cessation. In this context, the principles of self-determination and non-annexation of territory are noted. The relationship between international humanitarian law and international human rights law is then examined, followed by an analysis of the rules governing the conduct of hostilities. The status of non-international armed conflicts is considered, and then follows a survey of the pertinent principles governing cyber warfare. The chapter concludes with a look at the enforcement of international humanitarian law.
This chapter offers an historical examination of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander healthcare from a nursing viewpoint. It considers how the current shape of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health has been formed by actions taken since European colonisation. It discusses the status of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health during different historical periods, including what is known about the pre-invasion health system and health service provision during the periods of initial contact, separation and protection. Finally, the chapter discusses the rise of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community-controlled health system and contemporary choices for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the delivery of healthcare and health outcomes. It further discusses the approach taken by all Australian governments of working with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, communities and organisations to implement the new National Agreement on Closing the Gap at the national, state and territory, and local levels. Each section of this chapter is framed within the prism of nursing, exploring the role of nursing in health systems and the delivery of healthcare.
Australia’s First Nations peoples are a collection of multiple language groups; they are the sovereign peoples of the lands and waterways of their countries, which are now confined within the boundaries of the modern-day colonial nation-state of Australia. Torres Strait Islanders (Islanders) are a collection of First Nations peoples from the region commonly known as the Torres Strait, which for Islanders is increasingly being reclaimed and renown as Zenadth Kes. The assertion of using the local name instead of the colonial name is an exercise of sovereignty. The reclaiming of places through knowing their local name is an important part of truth-telling and decolonising Country. This chapter invites you to learn more about Zenadth Kes and the people who belong to it. Specifically, in keeping with cultural safety, this chapter aims to highlight the limitations of the colonial perceptions of Islanders. These imaginations of Islanders have historically informed what opportunities were afforded to them. This includes equitable access to health inclusive of social and cultural determinants of health, compared with that of non-Indigenous Australians.Today, Islanders reside all over Australia.
The Rwenzururu movement was a secessionist movement that originated in western Uganda during the colonial era but whose claims for recognition gained traction in the independence period. It sought to secede from Uganda after decades of discriminatory treatment by the British colonial administration, the Toro group, and eventually an independent Ugandan state. Aware of the role of the United Nations (UN) in facilitating decolonisation across the African continent from the 1950s onwards, the Rwenzururu movement sought to insert itself in this epoch of decolonial changes. The movement was led by Isaya Mukirane, whose vision of internationalising the Rwenzururian campaign for self-determination initiated a series of petitions to the UN between 1962 and 1976. Petitions were brimming with hope in the 1960s and became more incendiary in the 1970s as the world’s power brokers did not respond to Rwenzururian appeals. The article traces how the movement adopted different methods, from waging a guerrilla war to diplomacy, to achieve self-determination and recognition from the international community. It connects the Rwenzururian struggle for autonomy to the contestations of minority rights at the UN. The article also highlights how the Rwenzururu movement still exercised agency by practising self-determination within the borders of the Rwenzururu Kingdom, even as it did not have multilateral engagement or attain official recognition from the UN.
In January 2025, a symposium convened by Japan’s National Committee of the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) adopted the Gunma Declaration on Heritage Ecosystems, a new World Heritage framework that, for the first time, explicitly references Indigenous Peoples and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) as part of the World Heritage system’s “authenticity” criterion. This commentary offers a critical and reflexive analysis of the declaration’s development, drawing on the author’s experience as a symposium participant. It examines the tension between the declaration’s transformative potential – particularly its alignment with Indigenous understandings of the inseparability of nature and culture – and the structural exclusion, silencing, and erasure of Indigenous voices witnessed during its drafting. The analysis highlights how colonial narratives of “contaminated” Indigenous cultures, “purity,” and “authenticity” continue to determine Indigenous legitimacy in practice. This commentary argues that the Gunma Declaration’s advances risk becoming forms of symbolic recognition and illusory inclusion unless translated into enforceable state practice. Ultimately, this commentary is offered as an act of Indigenous resurgence, urging that the future of heritage governance be grounded not in institutional rhetoric but in Indigenous self-determination and the courage to imagine the World Heritage system otherwise.
The Cambridge History of African American Poetry provides an authoritative chronicle of the unifying world-building practices of community and artistry of African American poets in the United States since the arrival of Africans on these shores. It traces the evolution and cohesion of the tradition from the religious songs and written publications of enslaved poets who have come to be some of the most important figures in American literary culture. It conveys the stories of individual well-known figures in new ways and introduces less-well known writers and movements to clarify what makes African American poetry a cohesive tradition. It also presents a comprehensive and unique account of literary communities and artistic movements. Written by leading scholars in the field, The Cambridge History of African American Poetry offers an ambitious history of the full artistic range and social reach of the tradition.
World War I revealed a German imperialist project of eastern expansion, whose dizzying success and equally sudden failure lastingly destabilized international politics. Resulting patterns of nationalist grievance and assertiveness, matching greater-national revanchism to national-minority predicaments, proved impossible to manage or contain. In registering the collapse of the prewar multinational empires (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia, Ottoman Turkey), the Treaty of Versailles and its supplements redistributed territorial-political sovereignty among freshly constituted republican nation-states (“successor states”), in an international system to be guaranteed by the League of Nations. Launched by Lenin and coopted by Woodrow Wilson, the discourse of “national self-determination” only imperfectly described this European state-making conjuncture. At the same time, it inspired newly emergent anti-colonial nationalisms in the extra-European imperial world. Each effect seeded problems for the future.
Chapter 5, “Envisioning a Plurinational Governance”, analyzes the role and aspirations of Indigenous peoples in the international governance of the Amazon. Based on the analysis of COICA international politics and ACTO strategies and actions regarding Indigenous peoples, the Chapter argues that the international governance of the Amazon has excluded Indigenous peoples by recognizing a limited version of self-determination with no political rights. Many ACTO officials reject the possibility of having the representativeness of Indigenous peoples in the deliberative processes of the organization. However, the continued indigenous activism has opened new opportunities for institutionalizing their participation within ACTO. Despite ACTO’s political weakness and the different institutional challenges of COICA, Indigenous peoples struggle to decolonize the international governance of the Amazon and enact what would be a plurinational international governance.
The last phases and immediate aftermath of World War One represented both the peak of the nationality question and the definitive breakthrough of the minority one. The “morphing” of one into the other (as Holly Case has defined it) is often mentioned in the historiography but rarely analyzed in detail. This article focuses on the key period 1916–1923 and tracks this transition examining the work of different organizations and actors that contributed to it. The article shows that the switch from nationalities to minorities was not absolute. Although the grammar of minorities and majorities was dominant in the interwar years, the vocabulary of nationalities did not disappear and many actors used these terms as synonyms to refer to the same underlying “problem”: the persistence of national difference in an increasingly homogenizing world. Above all, the move from nationalities to minorities foreclosed any possibility of obtaining independent statehood in the new Europe of nation-states. Finally, the article dissects the process whereby the imposition of minority treaties only to Central and Eastern European countries entrenched a stereotypical distinction between a civilized homogenous West and a repressive heterogeneous East that established an understanding of the two areas as undifferentiated monolithic entities.
This chapter first discusses the main subjects of international law and explains their principal features. It then zooms in on states, the traditional and principal actors in the international legal system. It discusses the criteria for statehood under international law, the role that recognition plays in this respect, and how new states emerge. Finally, this chapter turns to an analysis of the right to self-determination, a notion that plays an important role in the creation of states and is considered to be the most prominent right of one of the subjects of international law: people.
Political and legal theorists have long been interested in how the principle of national self-determination emerged over the course of the twentieth century, particularly in relation to anti-colonial movements. In general, national self-determination has been associated with the anti-colonial turn to statehood, sovereignty, and representative government. This article recovers an anti-statist, anti-electoral theorization of self-determination from the work of Indian political thinker Radhakamal Mukerjee. I show how Mukerjee’s engagement with evolutionary theories of politics in the early twentieth century led him to depart from Indian nationalist appropriations of the discourse of self-determination in the aftermath of WWI. Mukerjee historicized state sovereignty, representative government, and individual rights as products of Western Europe’s trajectory of political development and constructed “Asia” as a region marked by anti-statist collectivism. The article thereby highlights the overlooked role of evolutionary arguments in forming a novel, anti-statist conceptualization of anti-colonial self-determination.
This exploratory study aimed to empower people with serious mental illness to create and implement supported decision-making plans and study the impact on their decision-making process. We found that study participants were able to: (1) use supported decision-making once empowered to do so; (2) decide when and how to use supported decision-making; and (3) develop individualized decision-making strategies based upon their unique characteristics and situations. The adoption of supported decision-making in clinical practice, research, and policy is essential to ensure the rights and well-being of adults with decisional incapacity. In particular, integrating supported decision-making into clinical research protocols can enhance informed consent processes and promote meaningful participation of individuals with serious mental illness, balancing respect for their autonomy with appropriate protections.