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On the fifth anniversary of the establishment of the Kyoko Selden Memorial Translation Prize through the generosity of her colleagues, students, and friends, the Department of Asian Studies at Cornell University is pleased to announce the winners of the 2018 Prize.
This article summarizes relevant historical developments involving Taiwan and Okinawa in Asia-Pacific multilateral relations over the longue durée, and suggests future prospects.
1. Both Taiwan and the Ryukyus are within the Kuroshio (Black Tide) Current Civilization Zone (from approximately the beginning of the 3rd Century): At that time, crops such as cassava and yams traveled northbound with the Kuroshio Currents, which ran from the Philippines to Taiwan and the Ryukyus to Kyushu, while crops such as millet in northern parts of South East Asia traveled to Taiwan via the South Sea and further traveled to the Ryukyus and Kyushu. Together with the path of rice from south of China's Yangtze River via Korea to Kyushu, Japan these were two important sea-borne cultural exchange paths in the Asia-Pacific. However, by the 3rd Century, the direct route from south of the Yangzi to central Japan, as well as the Silk Road from Chang'an in Northwest China to Central Asia, and the shipping route from Guangzhou to India superseded the aforesaid routes. As a result, Taiwan and the Ryukyu Islands became isolated on the international stage for about one thousand years (Ts'ao, 1988).
The Xia-Shang Zhou Chronology Project was a five-year state-sponsored project, carried out between 1995–2000, to determine an absolute chronology of the Western Zhou dynasty and approximate chronologies of the Xia and Shang dynasties. At the end of the five years, the Project issued a provisional report entitled Report on the 1996–2000 Provisional Results of the Xia-Shang Zhou Chronology Project: Brief Edition detailing its results. A promised full report was finally published in 2022: Report on the Xia-Shang Zhou Chronology Project. Although numerous discoveries in the more than twenty years between the publications of the Brief Edition and the Report have revealed that the Project's absolute chronology of the Western Zhou is fundamentally flawed, and some of the problems are acknowledged by the Report, still the Report maintains the Project's chronology without any correction. In the review, I present four of these discoveries, from four different periods of the Western Zhou, discussing their implications for the Project's chronology. I conclude with a call for some sort of authoritative statement acknowledging the errors in the report.
Officials of the United Nations — Retinue of — Privileges and immunities of — Act in performance of official duties — Immunity from criminal prosecution — Violation of traffic laws — The law of the United States of America.
Representatives accredited to the United Nations — Retinue of — Privileges and immunities of — Act in performance of official duties — Immunity from criminal prosecution — Violation of traffic laws — The law of the United States of America.
Diplomatic privileges and immunities — Retinue of diplomatic envoy — Envoy accredited to third State — Immunity from criminal prosecution — Violation of traffic laws — The law of the United States of America.
Jurisdiction — Territorial — Territorial limits of — Offence committed outside jurisdiction — Extraterritorial application of statutes — The law of Scotland.
Diplomatic Privileges and Immunities — Immunity of Legation Buildings — Renunciation of Privilege without Authorisation of Government — Validity of Renunciation.
Reaffirming that the DOC is a milestone document signed between the ASEAN Member States and China, embodying their collective commitment to promoting peace, stability and mutual trust and to ensuring the peaceful resolution of disputes in the South China Sea;
Recognizing also that the full and effective implementation of the DOC will contribute to the deepening of the ASEAN-China Strategic Partnership for Peace and Prosperity;
These Guidelines are to guide the implementation of possible joint cooperative activities, measures and projects as provided for in the DOC.
The implementation of the DOC should be carried out in a step-by-step approach in line with the provisions of the DOC.
The Parties to the DOC will continue to promote dialogue and consultations in accordance with the spirit of the DOC.
The implementation of activities or projects as provided for in the DOC should be clearly identified.
The participation in the activities or projects should be carried out on a voluntary basis.
Initial activities to be undertaken under the ambit of the DOC should be confidence-building measures.
The decision to implement concrete measures or activities of the DOC should be based on consensus among parties concerned, and lead to the eventual realization of a Code of Conduct.
In the implementation of the agreed projects under the DOC, the services of the Experts and Eminent Persons, if deemed necessary, will be sought to provide specific inputs on the projects concerned.
Progress of the implementation of the agreed activities and projects under the DOC shall be reported annually to the ASEAN-China Ministerial Meeting (PMC).
Some historians of modern Indian religious thought claim that, in respect of a pure monotheism free from pagan or polytheistic myth and a morality free from taboos and superstition, Rammohun was indebted to the Christian missionaries of his time and more particularly to the Baptists of Serampore. Thus, E. Daniel Potts, in his British Baptist Missionaries in India, 1793–1837, observes:
The Brahmo Samaj or Sabha (or Theistic Society) founded by him [Rammohun] in 1828 after he disassociated himself from Adam's Unitarian Association used a congregational form of worship utterly unknown to the ancient form of Hinduism he believed he was restoring; any many of its teachings, particularly ethical, were drawn from those of the Precepts of Jesus. Related organizations to reform Hinduism sprang up in the 1830–s and after, and in the process propagated, though their leaders would not always admit this, the idea of Christian morality – both enterprises begun by Roy's direct response to missionary and particularly Baptist endeavours.’
I first heard of the term ‘Chinglish’ when I was at Baiduizi (白堆子) Beijing Foreign Languages School in the 1970s, through Janet Adams’ book, From Chinglish to English. The book contained 60 short dialogues in simple American English. It was meant to be teaching us colloquial English, compared to, I suppose, the textbook English written by Chinese teachers. I found the term Chinglish rather odd, and it was an odd thing for us pupils at that particular school to be made aware of, because the school was, quite literally, the only school in China at the time where foreigners were directly teaching Chinese children foreign languages and cultures. Few of these foreign teachers had formal teaching qualifications, and they were not using any textbooks written by Chinese teachers, but in their own ways using material the school compiled specially for the pupils. It was a form of audio-lingual and direct method. The language we were taught was pretty colloquial and we did not, as far as I could tell, speak Chinglish that the examples in Adams’ book illustrated.
International organization — Officials — Dismissal for misconduct — Audi alteram partem — Remand of case for correction of procedure under Article 9, paragraph 2, of Statute of United Nations Administrative Tribunal.
At the end of the second year of my Ph.D., I began thinking about my first proper research job. I started by ‘cold-mailing’ a few project leaders to see what funding they might have in the pipeline. I just sent them a one-paragraph e-mail, selling, but not overselling, myself. This approach resulted in a range of responses: ‘Contact me again in a few months' time’; ‘Can you send me your resumé?’; ‘You might like to apply for this job I'm advertising in September’; and, best of all, ‘Perhaps you'd like to come and visit my lab’. OK, so they were far from offers of formal interviews, but what did I expect at this stage? Only time would tell whether these first contacts might lead to something more concrete later on. At least I'd got in early and hopefully made a positive impression. But, as it turned out, my first post-doc job didn't result from any of these tentative approaches, nor from any of the job advertisements in the scientific press. I was fortunate enough to secure my first job without ever having an interview. I created it myself. If this strikes you as unlikely, let me explain how I did it, and try to convince you that you too can have a crack at controlling your own fate.
[It has] allowed us to demonstrate something no one else has shown: variations in the agglutinating power of the same microbe when placed under the conditions of different cultures… . of the same microbe in diverse conditions of life.
—Nicolle and Trenel, 1902
It is thus probable that, in the course of their progressive attenuation, of their obliteration, infectious diseases have passed, pass, and will pass, through inapparent forms… .The first and the last stage in the life of diseases, … inapparent disease is the unsuspected reservoir of many evils.
—Nicolle, Naissance,Vie et Mort des Maladies Infectieuses, 1930
Laboratory manipulation of the virulence of pathogenic microbes had been a central component of the birth and life of Pastorian microbiology. Pasteur and his disciples had fashioned their assorted vaccines by exposing microbes to a variety of changed environmental conditions—heat, cold, air, and so on.They had also found that passage through animal hosts tended, eventually, to restore such artificially diminished virulence. Given this practical focus on microbial malleability (along with other cultural and certainly personal factors), it is unsurprising that Pasteur did not himself come up with a formula for a strict, “one microbe produces one disease” specificity. Pasteur and Koch roughly agreed on microbial specificity; Pasteur was simply willing to admit more flexibility within a species. Mazumdar has argued that it was Pasteur's disciple and successor at the institute's helm, Emile Duclaux, who attributed the “discovery” of disease specificity to Pasteur. In fact, as Geison notes, although Pasteur's interest in the manipulation of microbes did not go so far as challenging the borders of their “species,” he was, in theory, willing to push the borders of disease species still further, even suggesting that the relationships between hosts and parasites evolved over time—and that there would be new diseases. Emile Roux also raised the possibility of disease evolution in his Cours; however, neither he nor Pasteur pressed it much further. Charles Nicolle did.
In 1930, Nicolle published his classic treatise on disease evolution, Naissance,Vie et Mort des Maladies Infectieuses [NVM]. He wrote much of the book while recuperating from his long illness in 1929. In the text, the invisible forces of inapparent infection and inframicrobes found central positions— as did his father's natural-historical inclinations and his brother Maurice's immunological models.