Chapter 6 continues to explore the qualitative data presented in Chapter 5 by presenting the full social networks of the twelve research subjects, and therefore contemporary process of socialization. The social networks produce three key observations. First, party brokers or activists play an outsized role on the socialization process within social networks. Second, for partisans of all stripes, their larger social networks tended to be much more politically heterogenous than their smaller “inner circles.” Finally, the twelve networks suggest that ruling party partisans are more politically insulated than are opposition partisans.

Mycenaean Asianisms are fundamentally of two types. There are those Asianisms that Mycenaean myth, ritual, and society share with Indo-Iranian peoples – chief among Asian Indo-Europeans in terms of geographic breadth – as a consequence of historical persistence of ideas: this is a diachronic process. And there are those Asianisms that made their way to Mycenaeans as a consequence of Mycenaean settlement in Asia Minor: this is a synchronic process. What follow are select concluding thoughts, of a synthesizing nature, that draw attention to a subset of the examples of these two fundamental, and at times intersecting, dimensions of Mycenaean Asianism as we have encountered the phenomenon across the span of the seven chapters that precede.

Leviticus has shaped both Jewish and Christian theology and practice over the centuries. The final chapter examines its influence in the rest of the Old Testament and into the Second Temple period and the New Testament. Levitical theology also influenced a Christian understanding of sacred space in church architecture as well as helping shape the Christian liturgical year.

This final, concluding chapter of the book offers a reflection on what the production of digital media reveals about the cultural politics of these technologies. Drawing together the threads developed in the previous chapters, and especially UX writers’ own theorizations of language, I discuss the normative dimensions of interface design and make the case for a posthumanist approach to language in digital media interfaces. My central argument is simple: regardless of how people choose to use digital media, the software itself always posits an ideal way of using it – it entails an inbuilt ideal users have to respond to, even if that response is to contest the norm the software produces. In this way, focusing on the production of interface texts provides a valuable perspective on the broader cultural politics of digital media by theorizing UX writers, software, and users as part of a complex sociotechnical assemblage rather than as individual, disconnected agents.

This chapter introduces a selection of methods applicable for identifying and extracting paradata from existing datasets and data documentation which can then be used to complement existing formal documentation of practices and processes. Data reuse, in its multiple forms, enables researchers to build upon the foundations laid by previous studies. Retrospective methods for eliciting paradata, including qualitative and quantitative backtracking and data forensics, provide means to get insights into past research practices and processes for data-driven analysis. The methods discussed in this chapter enhance understanding of data-related practices and processes, reproducibility of findings by facilitating the replication and verification of results through data reuse. Key references and further reading are provided after each method description.

Chapter 1 lays out the central theoretical arguments of the book. It argues that three factors played a key role in the emergence of democracy in region: the professionalization of the military, the rise of strong opposition parties, and splits within the ruling party. It analyzes what led to the professionalization of the military and the rise of strong opposition parties and it shows how they led to varying regime outcomes in different South American countries. This chapter also discusses why existing theories of democratization cannot fully explain the emergence of democracy in the region

The rapid development of generative artificial intelligence (AI) systems, particularly those fuelled by increasingly advanced large language models (LLMs), has raised concerns of their potential risks among policymakers globally. In July 2023, Chinese regulators enacted the Interim Measures for the Management of Generative AI Services (“the Measures”). The Measures aim to mitigate various risks associated with public-facing generative AI services, particularly those concerning content safety and security. At the same time, Chinese regulators are seeking the further development and application of such technology across diverse industries. Tensions between these policy objectives are reflected in the provisions of the Measures that entail different types of obligations on generative AI service providers. Such tensions present significant challenges for implementation of the regulation. As Beijing moves towards establishing a comprehensive legal framework for AI governance, legislators will need to further clarify and balance the responsibilities of diverse stakeholders.

This chapter introduces the main argument, situates it in a broader literature, and offers a glimpse into the evidence that will be consulted in the ensuing chapters.

Chapter 3 is a critical genealogy which rests on a history of the global project’s trajectories in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) to reevaluate contemporary conceptions of ‘Never Again’. It paints the picture of the material and ideational aspects of the transitional justice project in this country from the establishment of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in 1993 to the myriad of measures of institutional and legal reform implemented by the international community actors present in BiH in the early 2000s. The chapter opens with a brief description of the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the war 1992–1995. It then illustrates the conflict resolution process and explains what kind of BiH was imagined in the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement. Next, the chapter outlines a skeleton of transitional justice in this country to show that certain areas, such as criminal justice and institutional reform, have been significantly more developed than others, putting these developments into the context of the promises of neoliberal legalism. Finally, the chapter poses questions about the end of transitional justice in BiH.