This chapter focuses on the anarchist movement as a political phenomenon at the margins of imperial German society. Drawing on government and police records as well as contemporary press coverage, it concludes that anarchism's ideology, goals and means placed it 'beyond' the sphere of politics. This development reached its peak during the First World War, when anarchists found themselves outside of the 'people's community'. The concept of 'people's community' was a forceful trope in the war propaganda, helping to further alienate peace activists from society and exclude them from political platforms. Anarchist anti-militarism occupied a particular place within the political culture of Germany. The attempts to popularise anarchist ideas in Germany coincided with the enactment of the rigorous and extraordinary legislation known as the 'anti-socialist laws'. The new century started with further attempts to counter the 'threat' of anarchist violence through special legislation.

This chapter argues that peace, always a noble goal, is now a strategic imperative, identifying four lessons. It is only through sustained constant engagement with the rest of the world can the United States help foster peace where tensions exist and democracy is threatened. Second, allies matter. Third, the road to peace starts with the formation of democracies that are inclusive, that spreads the promise of democracy to all people in society, especially women, children, minorities. Fourth, that peace takes time, but that in the modern world time may not be the friend of peace.

In late 1945, CARE was officially incorporated under the name Cooperative for American Remittances to Europe, Inc., as a non-profit organization. Created by a group of people from very diverse organizational backgrounds, CARE was designed to have a visible impact on the overall amount of material relief delivered to Europe. It was most notably the American Relief Administration of the First World War headed by Herbert Hoover that served as a blueprint for CARE both in terms of operating schemes and of generating publicity. By early 1946 CARE was ready to purchase 2.8 million 10-in-1 rations containing "rich, concentrated food products, reflecting American dietary habits and the needs of soldiers in the field. In May 1946 President Truman asked his Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, to set up a new Committee on Voluntary Foreign Aid, comprised of outstanding citizens.

There is a long history of case study research in the field of International Relations. This introductory chapter summarizes the benefits that derive from case study research and summarizes the insight and analysis that come from the chapters in the edited collection. Case study research is an attempt to develop theory or seek an answer to an apparent anomaly by the intensive study of a single case or group of cases. The principal advantage of this methodology is it is particularly good at exploring causal mechanisms. While some sight the problem of external validity when focusing on a single case study, the researchers in this volume are careful not to over-generalize from the single case. The chapters in this volume explain various aspects of the Northern Ireland peace process and further our understanding of various theories of International Relations related to conflict resolution and peacebuilding.

The literature of Restoration Dublin was Renaissance in character, heavily influenced by the humanistic values of continental Europe with its keen interest in the civilisation of ancient Rome. This chapter argues that playwrights output falls somewhere between English literature and Anglo-Irish literature. It shows how the drama in Dublin, although heavily influenced by literary trends in London, had, in a small way, an identity of its own. Drama was a significant element in Restoration Dublin's literary life and helped to establish the city's reputation as a cultural centre. Although they had an Irish connection, the playwrights Katherine Philips, Roger Boyle, Richard Head and John Dancer were all, essentially, English in their culture and outlook, even though Boyle and Head were born in Ireland. Like the French translations by Philips and Dancer, John Wilson's dramatisation of an Italian work connects Dublin more fully with the centre of Renaissance Europe.

Per Sivefors investigates Renaissance dream theories in relation to notions of conscience, arguing for an increasingly ‘ambiguous status of conscience [which] pushes dreams in direction of a psychologizing approach – dreams as revealing truths about the human self’ after the Reformation. Thus the Reformation shift towards linking individualized interiority, conscience and guilt is seen as prefiguration of the ‘internalized conscience’ of the Gothic (Sage). In this context the (proto-)Gothicism of the nightmares in Shakespeare’s Richard III is connected to their ‘function of a guilty conscience’. The ‘staged vision of the ghosts becomes an image of Richard’s divided interior’ as ‘the level of introspection is more important than the level of divine retribution’. In this sense the Shakespearean nightmares anticipate ‘an irresolution between supernatural and psychological causes’ in Gothic fiction (Hogle 213).

The concluding chapter summarizes the major points of the chapters and identify some common themes that emerge from the analysis provided by the contributors. This chapter explains how International Relations theory is furthered by the attempt to apply the case study method to explore the causal mechanisms associated with different theories. While the Northern Ireland case confounds the theoretical predictions of multi-lateral governance and the literature on decommissioning, certain theoretical approaches, especially those emanating from constructivism, proved useful in explaining the arrival of a peace settlement in Northern Ireland. Constructivism has the advantage of allowing the researcher to focus on the unique characteristics of the actors involved and the ideas and ideologies they devised and employed to pursue their interests, including peace.

This chapter examines the ways in which it might be wiser to look at criminology in reverse. Not only do the rich get richer and the poor get prison, as Reiman's famous book title suggests, but the law would appear to operate in such a way that the crimes of the rich are the ones causing the greatest social harm yet receiving the weakest social censure, whilst the crimes of the poor and young cause the least social harm yet receive the greatest social censure. This is the stuff of a through-the-looking-glass Jabberwocky criminology whose reverse message can only be read by holding it up to the mirror. This chapter assesses whether this strange criminology can be explained by the analysis of mimesis and the mimetic double bind in the work of Renee Girard, or whether the phenomenon is better seen as an inevitable reflection of the roots of dominant social censures within dominant and contradictory social relations.

This chapter examines how the female Orange Order was established in Scotland and how it grew to become the most numerically significant section of that country's organisation during the 1930s. The experience of the Orangewomen of Scotland was focused on migration and a sense of imperial identity rooted in the Irish Protestantism of many of the Order's members. Moreover, the chapter demonstrates the diversity of working-class women's activism in Scotland, emphasising how women from Protestant and Unionist backgrounds could be active political agents. It analyses the emergence of female Orange lodges in early twentieth-century Scotland, demonstrating how women's entry into the masculinist world of the Orange Order was shaped by a wider debate about suitable public roles for women. Female lodges were not only numerically superior to men's lodges, but they also held an increasingly high status within the Orange Order.

This closing chapter offers a reading of the work of two artists of the 1990s and early 2000s – David Kareyan and Narek Avetisyan, both previously members of the group ACT – and discusses their works in the context of social, political, technological as well as cultural shifts in Armenia. The two artists’ works, it argues, epitomize the contradictions of the turn of the century Armenia. This context is defined as a crisis of politics and political subjectivization vis-à-vis the state. This marked a shift from affirmative artistic practices in the conditions of the crisis of negation that characterized the mid 1990s, and gave birth to a politics of resistance. The chapter considers political, economic and art institutional transformations as interlinked processes that bring about an imperative to rearticulate art’s relationship to the social world. It locates the advent of video art, performance and installation within the advent of the media society and the techno utopias of global connectivity.