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This article considers a long-term stand-off between two forms of governance. Until the very end of British rule in India and Burma, a cluster of small polities effectively held imperialism at bay. Despite being surrounded, they remained independent and self-governing (in British parlance: ‘unadministered’) up until the eve of the Second World War. They have so far been overlooked in the historiography, and yet these rugged hills provide a unique vantage point from which to consider the limits of empire in the India-Burma borderlands. The martial Zo (‘Shendu’) inhabitants and their guerrilla tactics matched British aggression and bred anxiety in border officials. The British remained largely ignorant about this region. Under the restrictions of an imperial non-intervention policy, they could not enter it. This policy was inspired by the calculation that conquering these inaccessible mountains might cost more than it would yield in head tax and forest products. The result was a geopolitical rarity: an obstinate island of indigenous governance, cultural continuity, and micro-warfare enclosed by imperial territories.
This essay focuses principally on 'The Ballroom of Romance' and argues for a more nuanced and differentiated account of his work than has tended to be offered to date. William Trevor's short story 'The Ballroom of Romance' has attained iconic status in Irish culture in the forty years since its publication. The title and ambience of the story, evoking memories of dancehall days, partly explains this public appeal, which was enhanced by the BAFTA award-winning film adaptation of the story by Pat O'Connor. Trevor vividly demonstrates the ways in which the lives of both women and men were atrophied in mid-twentieth-century Ireland. That this is a persistent interest in his fiction is revealed in later short stories such as 'Kathleen's Field' and 'The Hill Bachelors', and in his fine novella Reading Turgenev.
This article focuses on the British annexation of the Dai territories in the border zone of Qing China and Burma in the late nineteenth century. It investigates the coercive force used by the British to secure control of the territory and its people, which was asserted on the basis of having had tributary relations with the earlier kingdom of Burma. In this case, I argue that the use of violence as a means to an end is better understood when separated into the mutually reinforcing forms of armed and bureaucratic violence. In these two forms, violent force shaped a practice—a mode of operation—that facilitated and secured British governance in the large territories separating the Chinese Qing state from British Burma. The article is part of a larger investigation that connects British operations on the empire’s much-varied northeastern frontier from the Brahmaputra eastwards into Yunnan, in two periods of its expansion in the early and late nineteenth century.
The Channel Islands (Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney and Sark) are situated off the coast of Normandy (France), west of the Cotentin peninsula. A brief look at a map shows that, from a geographical point of view, they are much closer to France than to England. As the original language in these islands is a form of Norman French, they have traditionally been regarded in dialectology as a French-speaking area. However, the exclusive interest of traditional dialectology in Channel Islands French is not an adequate reflection of the current linguistic situation. Today, English is clearly the dominant language in the Channel Islands. The number of speakers of Norman French is rather small and steadily decreasing. Over the past 200 years, English has gained more and more influence and has gradually replaced the local Norman French dialects. Indeed, there are clear indications that they will become extinct in the not-too-distant future.
John Locke’s influential account of personal identity emphasizes the importance of consciousness. This had led many commentators to argue that Lockean selves just are consciousnesses. Charles Taylor has mounted persuasive critiques of this “punctual” Lockean self; such a conception of the self is too thin and stands divorced from our values and moral agency. This chapter shifts the focus from Locke’s views on personal identity to his views on personhood in an effort to show that Locke is sensitive to the kinds of worries raised by Taylor. Lockean persons are more than consciousness. In particular, the chapter focuses on Locke’s exploration and analysis of the complex faculty psychology undergirding consciousness and on the ways in which persons can be embodied. This allows for a richer conception of the self. It then argues that this richer conception better aligns with Locke’s own views about the value and importance of the self and with what he says regarding our moral agency and our duty of self-improvement. Finally, the chapter shows that understanding Locke’s examination of human cognition as contributing to an analysis of the self allows us to resituate him with respect to some of his predecessors in seventeenth-century England.
The State of Play was created in response to a journalistic critique regarding the limits of Paul Abbott's ability. It provides a valuable insight into the contemporary power of the British press to telegraph, shape and control public opinion. Using a cinematic aspect ratio, the stylistic grammar of State of Play is also telling in that it points to the dynamic and fast-moving pace of technology, information and people in the modern world. On a literal level, characters in State of Play are always on the move, on the Tube, in taxicabs, on trains, running, chasing and consciously critiquing the events of their worlds. The aesthetics and style of State of Play speak of a new rhythm, a new formula of delicate, dynamic storytelling. State of Play explores the public as well as the private face of deceptive performance.
This chapter investigates the continuum which exists between vernacular speech and standard language and examines various issues which arise in this area. Key to the continuum of speech in any Western-style society is the notion of a supraregional variety which, on the one hand, embodies sufficient vernacular features to fulfil the identity function of language but, on the other hand, does not contain features which are stigmatised in a speech community. Supraregional varieties are dynamic entities and are thus subject to language variation and change. Such varieties are only occasionally explicitly codified. However, speakers in any speech community will be aware of stigmatised and non-stigmatised features (with regard to accepted usage in more formal situations) and can move along the continuum of relative vernacularity in given contexts.
Public policies contribute to structural racism and health inequities. To dismantle structural racism and advance health equity, methods aligning scientific evidence, community priorities, and political will are needed to implement equity-focused interventions. This study combined community-based participatory research and legal epidemiology methods to inform local policy in East Point, Georgia. The community informed a comprehensive policy approach to address social determinants of health (SDOH) and advance health equity and identified East Point’s Comprehensive Plan Update as an opportunity to advance health equity through policy. Key findings informed a legal epidemiology study to assess variation in including equity and health equity in comprehensive plans across 32 jurisdictions. Limited adoption of equity and health equity provisions were found, revealing opportunities to inform the East Point policymaking process. Research findings were summarized and disseminated to the community and policymakers. In 2023, East Point adopted equity, health, and health equity into its comprehensive plan for the first time. This case study demonstrates that collaborative, multi-sector, community-centered approaches can support policy interventions that address historical race-based, health-harming policies, and thereby dismantle structural racism. Inclusion of health equity in East Point’s comprehensive plan provides a foundation for future implementation of policies that address SDOH and health inequities.
England’s Family Hubs and Start for Life (SfL) Programme Guidance recommends strengthening early years services by increasing workforce capacity and capability through innovative skill mix models. However, evidence regarding how different innovative early years skill mix workforce models operate, function, and influence outcomes remains limited. To address this gap, five local authorities in England that are existing SfL sites received funding from the Department of Health and Social Care (DHSC) to design and pilot innovative early years skill mix workforce models to enhance their Family Hub offers and better support families with children under two.
Methods:
The evaluation is guided by each site’s Theory of Change and uses a mixed-methods design. The study consists of five workstreams. First, pilot models will be mapped through documentary analysis, including content analysis of role descriptions and audits of workforce activities recorded in clinical diaries. Second, system-level mechanisms, facilitators, and barriers to implementation will be examined through reviews of service and management data and semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders. Third, relational structures underpinning effective practice will be explored using 75 family-level case studies and Social Network Analysis to assess professional networks and their influence on family and practitioner experiences. Fourth, impacts will be estimated using Synthetic Control Methods to assess effects on Healthy Child Programme outcomes, alongside cost and cost-benefit analyses. Finally, the broader application of skill mix working will be explored through semi-structured interviews and case studies across additional local authorities.
This chapter explores some of the changes experienced by middle-class men as they went about their 'everyday' lives in wartime. Focusing particularly on the first twelve months or so of the war, the chapter suggests that the middle-class men were physically distanced from the actual fighting, the war intruded in their lives in a variety of ways. According to Macleod Yearsley, it was only in the early months of 1915 that people on the home front really began to realise the seriousness of the war. News, as well as gossip and rumours, were increasingly acquired through such word-of-mouth sources. In December 1915 H.C. Cossins noted that several series of cinematograph records have been taken of life at the front. Reginald Gibb's attitude towards the conflict was more critical than that of most middleclass civilian men.
This chapter examines a segment of Palestinians who were granted citizenship in Lebanon through a process of tawtin, a naturalization strategy underpinned by notions of national belonging and identity. It draws upon interviews and observations with naturalized citizens and refugees to illustrate and reveal patterns of citizenship practice that challenge national discourses of tawtin, and suggest the emergence of a paradigm that posits citizenship-as-rights, and not identity. Despite the dichotomous discourse that posits Palestinian identity in dialectic to citizenship, naturalized Palestinians constructed dynamic spaces for both to exist, somewhat harmoniously. Despite the globalization of human rights and the rise of universal personhood, access to rights remains inextricably bound and dependent upon access to citizenship. Analyses of citizenship practice remains, for the most part, conscripted to frameworks that posit citizenship-as identity on the one hand, and the subsequent emergence of citizenship-as-rights on the other. Belying these existing frameworks is a negotiation and re-negotiation of citizenship by individuals that inherently challenges them from within. This necessitates a paradigmatic shift from the top-down lens within which tawtin of Palestinians in Lebanon is presented, towards a bottom-up approach that explores the individuals’ agency in its conceptualization.
Women who wrote and circulated their verse in manuscript sought and stayed within a congenial circle. Carol Barash describes the general profile of late seventeenth- century women who preferred to publish in manuscript rather than with a bookseller as 'usually elite and well educate. Kathryn King studied of the life and complicated literary career of another late seventeenth-century woman poet, Jane Barker. Anne Killigrew's poem 'Upon the saying that my Verses were made by another' has been used as evidence of her involvement in a literary exchange circle and also her indictment of the masculine court culture's ridicule of female ambition. Anne Killigrew was no novice in the world of coterie, courtier and commercial theatrical culture, with its intrigues and rivalries. Her decision to seek 'Fame' led her not to seek publication but to entrust her verses to 'some few hands'.