We formally define polynomial endofunctors on the category of sets, referring to them as polynomial functors or simply polynomials. These are constructed as sums of representable functors on the category of sets. We provide concrete examples of polynomials and highlight that the set of representable summands of a polynomial is isomorphic to the set obtained by evaluating the functor at the singleton set, which we term the positions of the polynomial. For each position, the elements of the representing set of the corresponding representable summand are called the directions. Beyond representables, we define three additional special classes of polynomials: constants, linear polynomials, and monomials. We close the chapter by offering three intuitive interpretations of positions and directions: as menus and options available to a decision-making agent, as roots and leaves of specific directed graphs called corolla forests, and as entries in two-cell spreadsheets we refer to as polyboxes.

Each country in North America – the US, Canada, and Mexico – has a distinct beer culture and all made, and are making, significant contributions to how beer and beer law develops. The US is the source of the modern craft beer industry movement that has swept all over the world. Importantly, A legal reform catering for home brewing is seen as the foundation for this development. But this is not the only way in which North America’s brewing has challenged tradition. Other examples are also discussed in this chapter, and legal aspects are highlighted.

The Minorities Commission of 1957-58 demonstrated the degree to which people had aligned their ethnic affiliation with the newly articulated political identities by the late 1950s. Even though each region contained significant heterogeneous populations, each of the major political parties aligned with the numerically major ethnic group, which also conformed to colonially construed majorities (i.e., Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo). This further exacerbated the growing sense of alienation minorities felt amid nationalist fervor during this period. In the end, the Minorities Commission recommended that Nigeria enter independence with the existing tripartite regional structure. However, it did recommend the new Nigerian state set up “special areas” or “minority areas” in the Western and Eastern Regions under the jurisdiction of the federal government; the idea was that these would receive special consideration for further development. Addressing the minority question would have required more time and resources than the British government was willing to give to this colony.

Chapter 5 discusses the economic structure of a rational state. Anticipating Marx’s critique of capitalism, Hegel associates the maximization of self-interest promoted by the modern market to an inconsistent and ultimately irrational conception of freedom. He argues that the elevation of freedom to a rational form requires not merely a readjustment of the economic sphere, but a change of paradigm, and this change is entrusted to a system of professional corporations in which competition is replaced by cooperation and trust. Yet although these groups can help mitigate capitalism’s worst excesses, they are not up to the conceptual role Hegel wants them to play. This does not mean, however, that his associative strategy cannot be successfully revived. The chapter’s final section shows that a rational economic sphere implies not only the common ownership of society’s productive resources, but also the democratization of the productive sphere. Drawing on the market socialist tradition, it is suggested that the corporations can be fruitfully reconstructed as worker-directed enterprises, capable of recapturing their communal spirit while avoiding their main limitations.

There has always been something paradoxical with mainstream theories of international organizations in public international law. Yet the source of the field’s many perplexities has remained somewhat elusive. Instead of adding another layer on top of existing constructions, this book has argued that the real problem lies right at the bottom. It pertains to how international lawyers have generally tended to theorize the state for analytical purposes, explicitly or implicitly, literally or fictionally. So long as we leave these assumptions about the state uninterrogated, our theories are bound to push themselves into the same analytical corner.

Neoclassical economics is inherently biased against progressive policies and therefore should be avoided by progressives seeking to make the case for them. This is reflected in the history of regulation of payday loans and other fringe financial products. Conservatives used economic arguments to roll back regulation of these products in the second half of the twentieth century. Attempts to reregulate them have since been stymied despite progressives’ use of behavioral economic arguments to justify greater regulation. Progressives who eschew economic argument have had more success pursuing reform in other areas in the Biden Administration. The failure of behavioral economics to advance a progressive agenda in fringe finance suggests that inframarginalism, which also embraces the neoclassical analytic, will not help progressives. Another problem is that any neoclassical approach privileges elite expertise.

The typical American nonprofit hospital does not fit well with the economic theory of the firm. That theory, as explained by Ronald Coase, imagines that a firm is an organization in which a manager directs the allocation of capital and labor already contracted with the firm. In contrast, US hospital management historically did not employ physicians, supplies of a key input. Physicians were a parallel entity, the medical staff, who billed separately and could issue orders for deployment of other hospital inputs (such as nursing staff). More physicians are not salaried hospital employees, but they still bill separately and have independent control. This chapter outlines a model of the nonprofit hospital in which the objective is maximization of net income of the medical staff and argues that this theory explains much of hospital behavior. Care coordination, tax advantages for nonprofits, and community benefits are also discussed.

This chapter begins by exploring the professionalization of Czech rock under the influence of The Beatles in the 1960s, exemplified by the group Olympic. The second part of the chapter focuses on the distinction between official and unofficial types of popular music that emerged in the 1970s and 1980s. An examination of the output and reception of the groups Blue Effect and The Plastic People of the Universe during this period illustrates how rock music became politicized during normalization and how this politicization influenced later Czech historiographies of rock.