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This chapter describes the political formation that took shape at Copán and how that center’s rulers sought to secure their regional preeminence by establishing a network of colonies and allies at varying distances from the center. These extensive political arrangements come closest to approximating the traditional view of Southeastern societies as existing within the periphery of powerful lowland Maya cores. Nonetheless, what stands out in this account is the varied forms these relations of relative inequality took as local leaders and Copán’s lords negotiated the ever-shifting terms of their mutual dealings. Special attention is devoted to two Copán colonies, Quirigua in Guatemala’s Lower Motagua valley and El Paraíso in the western Honduran valley of the same name. Both were established by Copán’s rulers to accomplish specific, but different objectives. Their divergent histories highlight the limits of royal rule and the capacity of the colonized to shape their own destinies.
The political events that unfolded in the neighboring Naco and Middle Chamelecón valleys of northwest Honduras from CE 600–800 differed from those recorded elsewhere in the Southeast. Naco valley elites, like many of their contemporaries, sought regional preeminence by judiciously drawing on things, ideas, and practices secured through their interactions with peers living in diverse locales, including the Copán valley. How these intellectual and physical resources were employed in the domination strategies of those ruling from their capital of La Sierra was, however, distinctive of that realm. Craft production also played an outsized role in the basin’s history. La Sierra’s rulers enjoyed monopolies over fashioning such widely used goods as ceramic vessels and obsidian blades to make their subordinates dependent on them for these essential goods. The Middle Chamelecón capital, Las Canoas, in turn emerged now as one of the largest pottery-making communities known from the Pre-Columbian Southeast. Such large-scale commitment to pursuing a specific craft seemingly contributed to more muted forms of political centralization and hierarchy than was the case at La Sierra.
This chapter introduces slavery during the three centuries of Ptolemaic rule in Egypt for which papyri, recycled in mummy casing or discovered archived together, provide a wealth of texts in both Greek and Egyptian Demotic. Greek settlers brought a developed form of slavery to Egypt. Traditional forms of dependence, however, continued in domestic as in temple contexts, where sacred slaves were dedicated to a god. The terminology of slavery is scrutinised and Greek city law codes examined for information on slaves. The third-century BC archive of Zenon provides many details on where slaves came from and how they were acquired. Slaves are mainly found in a domestic context but there is some evidence for workshop employment, especially in textiles; evidence for their use in agriculture is minimal. To gain their freedom slaves might benefit from testamentary grants but running away was the more usual method.
Translated texts preserved on stone, papyrus, leather, and ostraca (pieces of broken pot) in Egyptian and Aramaic illustrate dependence and slavery from the Late Period of pharaonic Egypt, which included over a century of Persian rule. Despite army garrisons and immigrant officials, many earlier Egyptian practices continued. At the same time, under the Persians immigrants brought in practices of slavery from their homeland and, alongside their purchase and sale, the marking of slaves with their owners’ names became well-documented. The terminology of slavery and dependence in both Egyptian and Aramaic texts, new sources for the acquisition of slaves, the relationship of names to ethnicity, and ways in which slaves could gain their freedom are all topics raised in this chapter, as finally is the difficult question of discerning the experience of being a slave.
The legal literature on refugee cultural heritage is limited, and cultural rights are part of the law that appropriately addresses refugee cultural heritage issues. Cultural heritage is integral to the definition of refugees; refugee protection must include safeguarding refugee cultural heritage.1 This Article reviews international law around refugees’ intangible cultural heritage, which incorporates refugee relationships with their tangible cultural heritage.2 It also frames the discussion around refugee intangible cultural heritage in a holistic paradigm that consolidates “refugee home heritage” (refugee intangible cultural heritage of home country) and “refuge heritage” (refugee intangible cultural heritage of refugee journey from persecution or conflict to resettlement or return). The Article finds that, whereas the international law framework lays the groundwork for such a holistic paradigm, international and national laws and state policy approaches must be reformed to achieve refugee protection in line with international obligations.
Even though places of worship are protected by the Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict, they often become targets. To safeguard the cultural property of religious communities, it is necessary to plan for wartime protection under peaceful conditions, but studies of how this planning was conducted after 1945 are largely missing. This Article compares how the cultural property of the Church of Sweden (Lutheran) has been planned for protection up until 2023. Cultural property protection was first introduced in World War II, but the Church had to plan and carry out most protective measures without state support. During the Cold War, a system for protecting movable property was developed that lasted until it was replaced in the 1980s by cultural protection plans that employed a more holistic approach to risk mitigation in peace as well as in war. Finally, the recent development and future challenges are discussed in relation to the 1954 Hague Convention and the reconstruction of a Swedish total defense due to the Russo-Ukrainian War.
While disputes concerning the return of antiquities and artworks have become increasingly prevalent and receive public attention, the parallel issue of returning unlawfully exported fossils is rarely discussed. The fossils of “Ubirajara jubatus” and Irritator challengeri are prime examples of such disputes: they were taken from Brazil unlawfully, as Brazilian researchers allege, and displayed in German museums. The return disputes were characterized by both parties relying on arguments based almost exclusively on public (international) law. This Article explores private law as an alternative approach to these and similar disputes, discussing whether the fossils are the property of Brazil and could, therefore, be claimed in an action for restitution under German law. It finds that both fossils belong to Brazil since the museums did not acquire good title through a good faith purchase or acquisitive prescription.
This article presents the first findings of a topographic survey plotting the location of archaeological material and of a technological study of the lithic industry at the SC-CHA-030 open-air archaeological site along the Pesqueiro riverbank, located in the upper course of the Uruguay River Basin in southwestern Brazil. We analyzed raw material selection and the production of shaped/façonnage tools (unifacial, bifacial, and trihedral) associated with the production (debitage) of cortical and semi-cortical flakes that were then transformed into tools by simple retouch. From the geoarchaeological point of view, the spatial distribution pattern of the material is meaningful in the context of the geomorphic transition between foothills and alluvial plain. Our study of technological behavior and the formation of archaeological sites finds that raw material and shaped pebble tools are a crucial aspect of the industries on the Paraná Basaltic Plateau of southern Brazil.
Research concerning transactions in the early first millennium bc in the westernmost Mediterranean has tended to focus on colonial coastlands occupied by scattered Levantine outposts, whereas cross-cultural interactions in hinterland regions have remained ill-defined. This article presents an assemblage of Egyptian vitreous artefacts, namely beads, a Hathor amulet, and further items from the seventh-century bc rural village of Cerro de San Vicente (Salamanca) in the interior of Spain. Macroscopic and chemical analyses demonstrate their likely manufacture in Egypt during the Middle and New Kingdom (second millennium bc), attesting to a far-reaching Phoenician maritime network that connected both ends of the Mediterranean. The authors interpret the items as liturgical objects, rather than mere high-status trinkets, that formed part of a widely shared Mediterranean world view and associated ritual mores. They consider the impact of cultural syncretism, which reached even remote and allegedly isolated peripheral settings in Iberia.
Estudios previos han mostrado que la Lama guanicoe fue la presa principal de los cazadores-recolectores que habitaron Patagonia a lo largo del Holoceno. No obstante, su forma de aprovechamiento pudo haber variado a lo largo del tiempo en respuesta a las condiciones paleoambientales y a la dinámica poblacional. Sin embargo, hasta la actualidad esta problemática ha sido poco explorada en la cuenca del río Santa Cruz (Patagonia, Argentina). En este trabajo se analiza la existencia de variaciones en el procesamiento del guanaco por parte de los grupos humanos que habitaron el sitio Río Bote 1 entre circa 4200 y 350 años aP. Los resultados alcanzados, si bien sugieren continuidades, tales como el predominio de una estrategia basada en el aprovechamiento de su porción apendicular, también señalan la existencia de variaciones en el procesamiento de sus recursos a lo largo del tiempo. Estas últimas parecen relacionarse tanto con los efectos de las fluctuaciones climáticas, como con los cambios demográficos en las poblaciones humanas.
This paper discusses the future role of periodization in the wake of recent critiques of culture-historical chronologies concurrent with the rise of high-definition radiocarbon dating. It is argued that periodization has two distinct facets, a narrative function and a dating function, which should be separated. Archaeology may eventually be able to abandon the latter, but not the former. However, the two aspects are closely intertwined and the goal of this paper is to disentangle them and, through a case study of archaeological periodization in Iceland, demonstrate the need to re-engage with culture-historical taxonomies by reverse engineering their construction. Only in this way will the utility or poverty of such culture-historical periods be exposed to proper scrutiny and the ground cleared for building new, narrative periodizations.
This article offers a comprehensive survey of figurative finds from Neolithic northern Europe. The survey shows that the immediate absence of figurative representation in the region is real and that the almost complete lack of figuration stands out from the previous Mesolithic and the contemporary northern and northeastern European Neolithic hunter-gatherer groups. Furthermore, the absence of figurative representations contrasts strongly with the thousands of clay figurines that characterize the southeastern European and Anatolian Neolithic. The survey provides a well-documented basis for discussing the significant differences between a figurative southeastern European Neolithic and an imageless northwestern European Neolithic. We suggest that the absence of figurative representations indicates that severe socio-cultural and religious/ideological changes took place within the Neolithic communities as agriculture spread from southeastern Europe via central Europe to northern and western Europe.
The majority of excavated human remains from Neolithic Britain emanate from monumental sites. However, it is increasingly recognized that multiple funerary practices are often attested within these monuments, and that diverse treatment of the dead is evident contemporaneously at non-monumental sites. In this paper, we highlight such variation in non-monumental funerary practices in Neolithic Britain (c. 4000–2500 bc) through the biographical study of an assemblage from a large post-hole at Bridlington Boulevard, Yorkshire. Through osteological and taphonomic analysis of the human bones and technological and microwear analysis of the accompanying axehead, we infer complex funerary processes, with the expediently manufactured axehead potentially featuring in the funerary rites and subsequent post-raising before being deposited in the feature. Bridlington Boulevard represents one element of a varied funerary complex—cremations in pits and post-holes—at a time when most individuals were not deposited in monuments, or indeed were not deposited at all. Compiling these non-monumental cremations across Britain causes us to look beyond categorizing these assemblages as funerary contexts, and instead suggests important cosmological associations and forces were brought together in pit and post-and-human cremation deposits.
The role of human hunting behavior versus climate change in the mass extinction of megafauna during the Late Quaternary is much debated. To move beyond monocausal arguments, we treat human–megafauna–environment relationships as social–ecological systems from a complex adaptive systems perspective, to create an agent-based model that tests how human hunting may interact with environmental stress and animal life history to affect the probability of extinction. Using the extinction of Syncerus antiquus in South Africa at 12–10 ka as a loose inspirational case study, we parameterized a set of experiments to identify cross-feedbacks among environmental dynamics, prey life history, and human hunting pressure that affect extinction probability in a non-linear way. An important anthropogenic boundary condition emerges when hunting strategies interrupt prey animal breeding cycles. This effect is amplified in patchy, highly seasonal environments to increase the chances of extinction. This modeling approach to human behavior and biodiversity loss helps us understand how these types of cross-feedback effects and boundary conditions emerge as system components interact and change. We argue that this approach can help translate archaeological data and insight about past extinction for use in understanding and combating the current mass extinction crisis.
The floating dendrochronological sequence of pine wood from Józefowo, N. Poland was expected to cover the ∼660 BC radiocarbon (14C) excursion. The sequence was radiocarbon dated using the OxCal wiggle matching procedure and the IntCal20 calibration curve. 14C concentrations were measured in one-year α-cellulose samples from around 660 BC. The published data on the ∼660 BC 14C excursion from Grabie, Poland were used to absolute date the Józefowo chronology with 1-year accuracy. The results confirm the occurrence of a rapid increase in Δ14C in 664/663 BC and its potential to be used as a fixing point for floating dendrochronological sequences.
The Tyrolean ice mummy known as Ötzi presents some of the earliest direct evidence of tattooing in the human past. Despite decades of study, it remains unclear how the Iceman's tattoos were created and what tools and methods were used. Popular discussions of the Iceman describe his tattoos as having been made by incision, first cutting the skin and then rubbing in pigment from the surface. The authors review the scholarly literature on the Iceman's tattoos and summarize ethnographic, historic, and anthropological research on global patterns of tattooing to contextualize the Iceman's marks within pre-electric tattooing traditions. The results of recent experimental tattooing studies are then compared to the physical signature of the Iceman's marks to evaluate existing claims and provide informed hypotheses as to how those tattoos were created.