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Most ancient Maya people spent the majority of their lives in and around domestic settings. Activities and experiences that occurred here shaped not only what people did every day, but how they thought about themselves in many important ways. Even kings and queens, with their very different living quarters, had rituals they performed for their subjects that reenacted the daily habits of simple domestic compounds. Living structures varied according to one’s access to resources: royal families lived in roomy palaces made of stone, with plaster- and mural-covered walls and a high, vaulted ceiling. These buildings were often situated on small hills or artificial platforms to catch the breeze and prevent flooding during tropical rains. Middle-society homes were set atop smaller platforms, and may have had a plaster floor, but the walls of these homes were made of wood and the roofs of thatch. The simplest homes were set on the bedrock or ground level, with a packed dirt floor, wooden walls, and a thatch roof. Ironically, the wooden homes had many advantages over stone palaces – they allowed for more light and air to circulate, making them drier and in some cases cooler, and the materials to construct or repair these simple homes were easily available in the wetlands or forest outside Maya cities. However, they were very vulnerable to fire, especially during the dry season when an attack of flaming arrows could easily set an entire neighborhood aflame. Surrounding the central palaces and temples of ancient Maya cities were thousands of domestic or residential compounds, clusters of small houses, patios, and gardens occupied by extended multigenerational families of parents, children, spouses, and grandparents. In the 16th century, Spanish cleric Bishop Diego de Landa recorded that the Maya people of Yucatan had a matrilocal marriage practice, meaning that young men would move into the residential compound of their wives, so it is likely that multiple generations of family members lived together for most of their lifetime. Many of the tasks that took place in a compound, such as tending small animals, weaving, or gardening, were made easier by the collective efforts of an extended group of relatives.
Maize, or what most people in the United States call corn, was at the heart of ancient Maya culture. It provided the main source of calories, it was the main ritual offering and feast food, and corn deities were central to the guiding mythologies that made royal rulership possible. By the Classic period maize agriculture required constant attention as the plant had become completely dependent on human intervention through the domestication process. Maize is often depicted in Classic art as a delicate, young child, in need of protection. The shared practices of planting, tending, harvesting, and processing maize unified Maya communities and provided a keystone to their cultural identity. Indigenous growing techniques were refined for the tropical climate of the Maya area, but corn was still dependent on the arrival of regular rains, not always a guaranteed phenomenon in the tropics. Maya farmers were greatly assisted in securing agricultural success by the large beehives they kept at the edges of their fields. Native stingless bees produced honey and wax but were perhaps most important for their role in pollination of agricultural plants. Many wild resources were harvested from the rich rainforests that surrounded every settlement. The forests were places of unruly spirits and untapped potential. They were respected as reservoirs of plants, animals, and minerals needed for daily life. Research has shown that many of the forest management techniques used during the Classic period survive today in the most remote areas of the Maya world, and we have learned much about ancient plant and animal management from the modern Indigenous people of southern Mexico, Belize, and Guatemala. Within the animate Maya landscape, filled with spirits of place, caves and underground sources of fresh water took on special significance. They were places to connect with the forces of creation and a primary location for rituals of fertility and rain.
En este artículo se propone un significado para las ofrendas de estatuillas en miniatura de seres humanos y camélidos en ritos incaicos, entre ellos la qhapaq hucha o capacocha, ceremonia principal de veneración a las huacas que incluía sacrificio humano. La investigación moderna ha buscado una explicación satisfactoria respecto de este rito, así como de la función de dichas estatuillas, apoyándose básicamente en información documental. Actualmente, se dispone de información de primera mano proveniente de hallazgos arqueológicos de diferentes cumbres de los Andes. En este trabajo se entrecruzan los datos históricos con los arqueológicos relativos a vestimenta e insignias de la nobleza inca, para proponer que dichas estatuillas simbolizaron a la pareja fundadora del linaje, Mama Ocllo y Manco Capac, en el acto mismo del surgimiento desde la pacarina del cerro Tambotoco, y que representaron por extensión, a los descendientes de tales progenitores. De esta manera, con las estatuillas se habría preservado la memoria de este pasaje crucial del mito de origen de la etnia inca, recordando a la pareja primigenia como creadora del orden social existente, y legitimando a la vez, el origen divino del poder de la élite gobernante.
Games and other forms of play are core human activities, as vitally constitutive of cultural and social practices in the past as they are today. Consequently, play, games and fun should be central in archaeological theory, but our review shows they are anything but. Instead, very few studies deal with these concepts at all, and most of those that do focus on how the affordances play offers link it to ritual, power or other ‘more serious’ phenomena. Here, we offer an explanation as to why play has taken such a backseat in archaeological thought and practice, relating it to the ambivalent aesthetics of having fun with the past in our own discipline. Building on our own playful practices and those of other scholars in the ancient board gaming and archaeogaming communities, we propose a move towards a more playful archaeology, which can provide us with a new window into the past as well as into our own professional practices.
Perishable artifacts are invaluable tools for reconstructing past lifeways of hunter-gatherers, and when preserved in arid settings, they can inform on dynamic interactions between communities and the environment. Many such materials were recovered from early archaeological surveys in Utah and Nevada but were largely excluded from contemporary analyses because of small sample sizes, their fragmentary nature, and insecure proveniences. This synchronic reanalysis of cordage and coiled basketry from 10 late Holocene sites in the Great Salt Lake Desert utilizes newer approaches to perishables analysis so as to collect data more conducive to statistical comparisons of subsistence and craft traditions absent from earlier Great Basin studies. Regional trends of conformity of fine cordage contrasted with a diversity of basketry manufacture suggest contemporaneous social stressors directing the production of materials and two potentially gendered subclasses of utilitarian objects. Feminine and masculine perishable crafts in the Bonneville Basin follow separate manufacturing traditions, observable despite small sample sizes and poor dating of these curated collections.
El estudio del parentesco permite comprender mejor las sociedades antiguas porque está relacionado con el comportamiento social, económico, político y reproductivo de la población. Es posible conocer la magnitud de la endogamia y hacer inferencias sobre la movilidad de ambos sexos. Una mayor similitud genética promedio dentro de muestras femeninas sugiere mayor migración masculina (modelo de residencia posmarital matrilocal). A la inversa se deduce un modelo de residencia patrilocal y si no hay diferencias se infiere un modelo bilocal. Nuestro objetivo es conocer la divergencia genética entre grupos incas del altiplano del noroeste de Cusco utilizando caracteres cuantitativos del cráneo para estimar el parentesco, el número de migrantes por generación y el patrón de residencia posmarital. Los restos óseos empleados (99 cráneos masculinos y 75 femeninos) proviene de los sitios Paucarcancha, Patallacta y Torontoy. Se aplicaron técnicas de análisis multivariado y modelos derivados de la genética de poblaciones. Existen diferencias morfológicas entre los sitios a pesar de la escasa distancia geográfica. La divergencia genética fue de 0,035 (siete individuos migrantes por generación). La varianza dentro de grupos es similar en ambos sexos (modelo posmarital bilocal). Se discute la evidencia obtenida con otras localidades y subregiones del Área Andina Centro Meridional.
Historical phenomena often have prehistoric precedents; with this paper we investigate the potential for archaeometallurgical analyses and networked data processing to elucidate the progenitors of the Southwest Silk Road in Mainland Southeast Asia and southern China. We present original microstructural, elemental and lead isotope data for 40 archaeological copper-base metal samples, mostly from the UNESCO-listed site of Halin, and lead isotope data for 24 geological copper-mineral samples, also from Myanmar. We combined these data with existing datasets (N = 98 total) and compared them to the 1000+ sample late prehistoric archaeometallurgical database available from Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Vietnam and Yunnan. Lead isotope data, contextualized for alloy, find location and date, were interpreted manually for intra-site, inter-site and inter-regional consistency, which hint at significant multi-scalar connectivity from the late second millennium bc. To test this interpretation statistically, the archaeological lead isotope data were then processed using regionally adapted production-derived consistency parameters. Complex networks analysis using the Leiden community detection algorithm established groups of artefacts sharing lead isotopic consistency. Introducing the geographic component allowed for the identification of communities of sites with consistent assemblages. The four major communities were consistent with the manually interpreted exchange networks and suggest southern sections of the Southwest Silk Road were active in the late second millennium bc.