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We present two new millennium-long tree-ring oxygen isotope chronologies for central and northern Japan, based on 9693 annually resolved measurements of tree-ring oxygen isotopes from 39 unearthed samples consisting mainly of Japanese cedar (Cryptomeria japonica). These chronologies were developed through cross-dating of tree-ring widths and δ18O data from multiple samples covering the periods 2349–1009 BCE (1341 yr) and 1412–466 BCE (947 yr) for central and northern Japan, respectively. In combination with our published chronology for central Japan, the tree-ring δ18O dataset currently available covers the past 4354 yr (2349 BCE to 2005 CE), which represents the longest annually resolved tree-ring δ18O dataset for Asia. Furthermore, the high-resolution temporal record of 14C contents independently developed by Sakurai et al. (2020) was reproduced by our 14C measurements of earlywood and latewood in annual rings for the period 667–660 BCE.
Although paleomagnetic secular variations (PSV) often corroborate radiocarbon (14C)-based lacustrine sediment chronologies, this is not the case at the high-altitude site Khar Nuur in the Mongolian Altai Mountains. Our results show that the inclination pattern resembles those from a regional reference record from Shireet Naiman Nuur and global geomagnetic field models very well, but with a constant offset of 730 ± 90 yr. Possible reservoir effects from terrestrial pre-aging and hardwater effects can be excluded as the cause of the ∼730-yr offset because the different dated compounds correspond very well to each other, and modern reservoir effects are negligible. Instead, the constant ∼730-yr offset in the PSV pattern is likely the result of a constant lock-in depth of 26 ± 2 cm below the sediment-water interface at Khar Nuur. This assumption is supported by comparison of paleoclimatological proxies from Shireet Naiman Nuur, where similarities are obvious for the 14C-based chronology of Khar Nuur without a ∼730-yr adjustment. Therefore, the previously published 14C-based chronology of Khar Nuur provides a reliable age control. Accepting the lock-in depth of 26 ± 2 cm, the good consistency in inclination between Khar Nuur and global geomagnetic field models highlights the reliability of the latter even in a paleomagnetically understudied area.
In this article, we consider the role that academics play in the global illicit trade in cultural objects. Academics connect sources to buyers and influence market values by publishing looted and stolen cultural objects (passive facilitation) and by collaborating with market players, including by collecting artifacts themselves (active facilitation). Their actions shape market desire, changing what is targeted for looting, theft, and illicit trading across borders. However, this crucial facilitative role often goes unnoticed or unaddressed in scholarship on collecting, white collar crime, and the illicit market in cultural objects. This article explores the importance of academic facilitation through a case study of the career of Mary Slusser, a renowned American scholar of Nepali art and art history.
By systematically analyzing the relative relationship between complete bronze inscription dates, this study deduces the lunar phases described by the specialized terms jishengba 既生霸, jiwang 既望, and jisiba 既死霸, finding that the term chuji 初吉 is unrelated to the lunar phase. The study then reconstructs a complete chronology of Western Zhou that is highly consistent with archaeological and textual evidence. The results support the traditional notion that the Zhou calendar year began in the month containing the winter solstice, and show that the Western Zhou calendar month began with the first invisibility of the waning lunar crescent while the calendar day began at sunrise. The overall evidence indicates that King Wu 武王 led an initial campaign against the Shang in 1046 b.c.e. and defeated Zhòu 紂 in 1044 b.c.e., lending credence to the narrative of the military display at Mengjin (觀兵孟津). The derived chronology reveals a previously unknown seven-year gap between King You's 幽王 final year and King Ping's 平王 first year, thus explaining the discrepancies between Shi ji 史記 and the archaeological evidence. This study demonstrates that the Modern Text (jinben 今本) Bamboo Annals 竹書紀年 is unsuitable for use in chronological studies, and suggests that the dates of Western Zhou were already obscure in Eastern Zhou. These results provide testable hypotheses and raise new questions that can guide further research into Western Zhou archaeology, history, society, and culture.
This is a book about numbers – what they are as concepts and how and why they originate – as viewed through the material devices used to represent and manipulate them. Fingers, tallies, tokens, and written notations, invented in both ancestral and contemporary societies, explain what numbers are, why they are the way they are, and how we get them. Overmann is the first to explore how material devices contribute to numerical thinking, initially by helping us to visualize and manipulate the perceptual experience of quantity that we share with other species. She explores how and why numbers are conceptualized and then elaborated, as well as the central role that material objects play in both processes. Overmann's volume thus offers a view of numerical cognition that is based on an alternative set of assumptions about numbers, their material component, and the nature of the human mind and thinking.
Recent advances in the field of palaeogenomics have revealed that at the onset of the Late Neolithic, Europe was characterized by a major cultural and genetic transformation triggered by multiple population movements from the Pontic–Caspian steppe. Corded Ware populations show a large-scale introduction of Yamnaya steppe ancestry across the entire archaeological horizon (Allentoft et al. 2015; Haak et al. 2015; Malmström 2019). The emergence of the Bell Beaker burial identity in the early third millennium BCE was similarly accompanied by a dramatic genetic turnover, at least in Northwestern Europe (Olalde et al. 2018). These population changes call for the integration of genetic evidence into existing models for the linguistic Indo-Europeanization of Europe (cf. Kristiansen et al. 2017).
Since the so-called “Ancient DNA Revolution” of the past decade, which has yielded many new insights into the genetic prehistory of Europe and large parts of Asia, it can no longer be doubted that the Indo-European languages spoken in Europe and Central and South Asia were brought there from the late fourth millennium BCE onward by population groups from the Pontic–Caspian steppes who had belonged to the archaeologically defined Yamnaya culture.1 We may therefore assume that the population groups bearing the Yamnaya culture can practically be equated with the speakers of Proto-Indo-European, the reconstructed ancestor of the Indo-European languages of Europe and Asia, and that the spread of the Indo-European language family is a direct consequence of these migrations of Yamnaya individuals into Europe and Asia.
In this article we put forward an alternative account of the famous wristguards, or bracers, of the European Early Bronze Age. Combining new materialism with empirical microwear analysis, we study 15 examples from Britain in detail and suggest a different way of conceptualizing these objects. Rather than demanding they have a singular function, we treat these objects as ‘multiplicities’ and as always in process. This, in turn, has significant implications for the important archaeological concepts of typology and object biography and our understandings of material culture more widely.
Linking the distribution of wheeled transport to the evolution of language is a strategy often employed to locate the Indo-European (IE) motherland and trace the formation of various Indo-European languages in different parts of the Old World. The underlying assumption is that archaeological assemblages that are separate in space but similar in appearance represent people speaking dialects of the same language. The chronology, sources, and spatiality of the IE migrations, however, remain topics of heated discussion. Specifically, researchers disagree on which early archaeological phenomenon represents the source of early IE migration (Grigoriyev 2002; Anthony 2007; Allentoft et al. 2015; Klejn et al. 2017).
In recent years, it has become increasingly clear that a combination of genetics, archaeology, and historical-comparative linguistics is the only sensible way to reach a deeper and more subtle understanding of the Indo-European question. By now, there is practically general agreement that at the very least, “Indo-Tocharian,”1 defined as the predecessor of all branches of the Indo-European family with the exception of Anatolian, originated in the Pontic–Caspian steppe. The speakers of this common language have been archaeologically connected with the Yamnaya horizon, later continued in northern Europe as the Corded Ware culture.2
The transformation of the prehistoric societies of the northern Eurasian Bronze Age is associated with the emergence and spread of not only basic production industries, i.e. agriculture and animal raising, but also related industries. Sherrat (1997) has called this a “secondary product revolution,” accompanied by the implementation of innovative technologies for new products and forms of consumption. In northern Eurasia, the Middle and Late Bronze Age was a period when prehistoric societies underwent complex social and economic transformations. These changes included the introduction of new technologies of wool production and the making of wool fiber, as well as the spread of this technology. The spread of wool textiles in the third millennium BC is associated with the cultures of the South Caucasus (Kvavadze 2016) and the steppe Catacomb culture of the Lower Don region and Kalmykia (Shishlina et al. 1999; 2020). In the Late Bronze Age, at the beginning of the second millennium BC, the area where wool fibers were used included both the forest steppe and the steppe belt of the Early Srubnaya culture, as well as the forest belt of the Central Russian Pozdnyakovo culture; it extended as far as the Andronovo (Alakul, Fedorovo) world of the Trans-Ural region and North Kazakhstan (Orfinskaya & Golikov 2010; Azarov et al. 2016; Medvedeva et al. 2017) (Fig. 17.1).
Over the last several years, it has become clear that Central and Western Europe witnessed an enormous transformation during the third millennium – not only in cultural terms, as has long been clear from the appearance of the Corded Ware Complex (CWC) and the Bell Beaker Complex (BBC), but also from a genetic point of view: archaeogenetic analyses from Central Europe to the British Isles and the Iberian Peninsula have revealed genetic signatures with an origin in the western Eurasian steppe regions (Haak et al. 2015; Allentoft et al. 2015; Olalde et al. 2018; Olalde et al. 2019; Fernandes et al. 2020). Whereas early publications on this topic employed dubious vocabulary, like “Yamnaya migration,” there is no doubt that the spread of genes from east to west in prehistoric times could only take place through mobile individuals. Archaeogenetic studies have also suggested a sex bias in these mobile people and that the migration process was predominantly related to male mobility (Goldberg et al. 2017). Since the publication of the scientific results for the Iberian Peninsula (Olalde et al. 2019), newspapers have even interpreted this as evidence of male hoards invading Spain and committing genocide of the local male population. There is no doubt that such simplified narratives do justice neither to archaeological theory nor to the aim of narrating a complex past in a comprehensible manner.
In 2015, the genetics laboratories of Harvard, Jena, and Copenhagen (Allentoft et al. 2015; Haak et al. 2015) published aDNA evidence for the extensive human migration that appeared to spread from the steppelands north of the Black and Caspian Seas, both eastward, as far as the Yenisei River and, ultimately, as far west as Britain (Olalde et al. 2018) and Ireland (Cassidy et al. 2016). The source of the expansion was credited to a population whose genomic signature emerged in the steppelands and was primarily comprised of an admixture of both a local Eastern Hunter Gatherer (EHG) origin and a more distant Caucasian Hunter Gatherer (CHG) origin, associated with populations from the area between the Caucasus and the Zagros region. This combination (EHG + CHG) typified the Yamnaya culture, an Eneolithic cultural horizon whose home territory extended from the Urals to the Danube and whose archaeological remains had been known to have spread westward, at least as far as Hungary (Ecsedy 1979). The genetic signature of the Yamnaya (or another culture with a similar genetic composition) was found among about 75% of the Corded Ware burials sampled in Germany, whose previous populations were exclusively represented by local Western Hunter Gatherer (WHG) and Anatolian Farmer (AF) genes. Samples of mtDNA recovered from both Yamnaya and Corded Ware burials also suggested an east-west cline of steppe ancestry, with its highest representation in eastern Corded Ware burials in Poland and the Czech Republic, while western Corded Ware females appeared to derive from local populations (Juras et al. 2018).
The importance of metal for an understanding of the international Beaker culture is well established, whether as a driver of trade connections and other forms of exchange, or as a material expression of ethnicity, ideology, or social relations. While copper and gold were used in earlier times in Europe, Beaker groups can be associated with a spread of metallurgical knowledge across the Atlantic zone during the later third millennium BC. This chapter will consider long-distance networks of metal production and supply in relation to the mobility of the Beaker culture. The nature of those connections will be explored, whether they involved migration of ethnic groups or the small-scale movement of specialists, their ideas and material culture, through trade and other forms of exchange. The implications for genetic and language origins will be considered, with a focus on connections between Iberia, France, and Ireland in that period.