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ch 8: This chapter reviews evidence associated with the Neanderthals, extinct hominins who lived in Europe and Western Asia before humans settled these regions after 40–50 Ka. It compares evidence for Neanderthals’ survival strategies with those Ancient Africans practiced. Many of the differences between Neanderthals and Ancient Africans seem to have arisen from Neanderthals’ living in small, highly mobile groups and from their investing less time and energy in technology.
ch 4: This chapter introduces a new approach to investigating “how questions” about prehistoric human population movements. Rather than speculating about specific population movement routes, “survival archaeology” asks how prehistoric humans solved essential survival problems as they moved to and settled in new habitats. Ethnographic studies of preindustrial humans as well as the modern-day wilderness survival and “bushcraft” literature shed light on what these ancestral survival skills were. The chapter argues that humans overcame prehistoric survival challenges by using complex combinations of ancestral survival skills. It closes by proposing some reasonable assumptions about how earlier humans used those skills.
ch 9: This chapter reviews how humans settled Northern Eurasia between 12 and 45 Ka, comparing their survival strategies with those Neanderthals deployed under similar circumstances. Both hominins shared the same suite of ancestral survival skills, but they used them differently and in distinctive ways. Humans devised calorie-conserving superior insulation from cold (clothing, artificial shelters) and innovative strategies for extracting calories from plant food–impoverished landscapes. They used artifacts as “social media” to create and maintain extensive alliance networks, a strategy that resonates with contemporary audiences but also one with deep roots among ancestral survival skills.
ch 7: This chapter reviews the evidence for the peopling of Southeast Asia and Australasia before 30 Ka. These regions’ sparse fossil record lacks firm geochronology, but it appears that humans established themselves in Southeast Asia sometime between 45 and 75 Ka. Archaeological evidence from these regions contrasts with that from Southern and Southwest Asia; nevertheless, Southeast Asian and Australasian sites preserve some of the world’s oldest-dated representative artworks and the oldest evidence for oceangoing watercraft. Humans’ arrival in Southeast Asia coincides with last appearances of several other hominin species. Their arrival in Australia precedes mass extinctions of that continent’s marsupial megafauna (large animals).
ch 1: This chapter introduces the book’s main themes: differences between dispersals and migrations and their roles in how humans settled the world during prehistoric times. It distinguishes paleoanthropologists “who questions” (questions about prehistoric humans’ identities) from “how questions,” questions about how prehistoric people overcame specific survival challenges. It argues that paleoanthropologists have spent far too much time and energy investigating “who questions” than “how questions” and that progress toward understanding our evolved unstoppability requires more research on how questions. The chapter also explains differences between traditional narrative approaches to explaining human evolution and the comparative approach this work employs.
ch 6: This chapter surveys the evidence for Homo sapiens behavior between 30 and 500 Ka in Southwest and South Asia (the East Mediterranean Levant, the Arabian Peninsula, and the Indian Subcontinent). These regions have much in common with those parts of Africa on roughly the same latitude, and their paleoanthropological record differs little from one another or from that of Northern Africa. Moving into these regions seems to have required few major changes to Ancient Africans’ survival strategies. Alternatively, South and Southwest Asia could have been part of a larger Afro-Asiatic region in which H. sapiens evolved out of H. heidelbergensis.
ch 2: This chapter reviews the hard evidence of the dates, fossils, artifacts, and genes that paleoanthropologists use in developing hypotheses about prehistoric human population movements. It also touches briefly on the principles that guide interpretations of this evidence. Each of these topics is the subject of entire scientific disciplines, and so, this chapter focuses on the basics: key terms and concepts that recur in this book’s later chapters.
On the occasion of a short research trip to Japan, I had the opportunity to sit down with Professor Koji Mizoguchi in Kyushu University, Fukuoka, to discuss several topics, which you will find transcribed below. I was curious as to his thoughts that he – as the President of the World Archaeological Congress, a non-governmental and non-profit organization that promotes the exchange of archaeological results, training at a global scale and the empowerment of Indigenous and minority groups, a Professor of Social Archaeology, and one of the few archaeologists writing archaeological theory in the far East – had on the state of the art of archaeology today. Furthermore, since I grew up in Europe but nevertheless feel a deep connection with my own Asian ancestry, I was very interested in Mizoguchi’s own experience and contributions to archaeology in Japan and the world.
La Porta Borgiana di Civita Castellana (Viterbo, Italia), eretta alla fine del XV secolo in onore del cardinale Rodrigo Borgia, venne costruita grazie allo smantellamento di un monumento funerario romano, dal quale venne estratto un insieme di materiali marmorei per decorare l'arco. L'iscrizione sulla porta chiarisce l'origine di tali pezzi, i quali appartenevano alla tomba di Publius Glitius, uno dei protagonisti della congiura di Pisone. Sulla base dello studio dei materiali, spoliati e riutilizzati nella Porta Borgiana e in altri siti del comune di Civita Castellana, nei pressi della città di Falerii Novi, presentiamo un approccio al monumento funerario in questione, fornendo nuovi dati sull'identificazione del personaggio e sulla possibile ubicazione della tomba. Allo stesso tempo, l'analisi della costruzione della Porta Borgiana ha permesso di metterla in relazione con la propaganda politico-ideologica di Rodrigo Borgia, basata, in parte, sull'uso dell'antichità classica, quale strumento di legittimazione dinastica e territoriale.
This article presents differences and similarities in dietary practices of fisher-gatherer groups excavated from two sambaquis (shell-mound archaeological sites) in Saquarema, Rio de Janeiro state, Brazil. We analyzed the buccal apparatus of 35 individuals excavated from Sambaqui da Beirada, dated from 5437 to 3440 years cal BP, and Sambaqui do Moa, dated from 4770 to 3199 years cal BP. Our oral health analysis of 852 alveoli and 704 teeth assessed the frequency and degree of teeth wear and the prevalence and frequency of caries, linear enamel hypoplasia, calculus, periapical cavities, and antemortem teeth loss. We applied the chi-square test and Fisher exact test to test statistical significance. Severe tooth wear, the absence of caries, a high frequency and prevalence of dental calculus, and a low prevalence of linear enamel hypoplasia were found in both sites, although periapical cavities and antemortem teeth loss indexes varied greatly. Despite a superficial homogeneity, the results point to variation in the physiopathological processes that occurred at both sites, including differences related to age and sex. These oral health-related results, together with other archaeological data from both sambaquis, showcase the expected cultural differences stemming from dietary practices.
This article presents an example of ceramic circulation and exchange networks in the southern Andean region during the first centuries AD, derived from the study of the production, circulation, and consumption of the pottery assemblages found in the villages of Cardonal and Bordo Marcial, located in the Cajón Valley in Catamarca, Argentina. Our analysis of the technical, morphological, and design aspects of the ceramics suggested six morphological groups using three representation techniques and 16 paste recipes; we also found that locally manufactured vessels were used together with ceramics of nonlocal origin in similar domestic contexts. In addition, the foreign ceramic materials suggest that there were networks of interaction between Cardonal and Bordo Marcial and other regions, such as the southern Puna, the Hualfín Valley, the Rosario-Lerma Basin, and the San Francisco Valley in northwestern Argentina.