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This article presents measurements of the radiocarbon (14C) concentration in sub-annual tree rings. Samples of earlywood (EW) and latewood (LW) from dendrochronologically dated tree rings (English oak, Quercus robur) from Kujawy, near Kraków (Poland), spanning the years of 990–997 CE, are extracted and their 14C content is measured at the Center for Applied Isotope Studies at the University of Georgia, USA. The EW and LW data show a gradual increase in the Δ14C values between 991–995 CE, which are similar to those observed by Rakowski et al. (2018). An increase of 10.3 ± 2.6‰ in Δ14C for the EW data, and 8.6 ± 2.6‰ for the LW data has been recorded for this period. Using this data, it is possible to estimate the time period for when a major historical event occurred, which seems to have been in the late summer (September –2/+1 month) of 993 CE.
The Neolithic Revolution saw the invention of diverse political, economic, religious, and other social institutions in highland Oaxaca and across Early Formative Mesoamerica, including: varying forms and degrees of social differentiation in prestige, personhood, and social ranking; aggregation sites and large villages; dual organization, cosmology, and ritual practice; writing systems; and institutions for long-distance trade.
Monte Albán conforms to broader cross-cultural expectations, one pattern being the disembedded capital city; other expectations are measurable degrees of collective action in planned urban nucleation, modest social segregation by spatial separation, and city plan facilitating communication and large gatherings.
These analyses indicate that causality did not have a preferred scale of operation, so a multiscalar method is required; likewise, in both nonstate and state societies an expanded institutional approach reveals greater complexity than in theories that assume ruler or elite dominance. The case illustrates a coactive causal process in which collective action policies by the state resulted in population growth, urbanization, production intensity, market participation, and material standard of living across social sectors, which in turn fed back to the state-building process.
The founding of Monte Albán as a new political capital superseding the polities of its constituents immediately entailed urbanization, an expanding hinterland, migration, and population growth. Institution building was expressed by monumentality in public spaces, buildings, and stone sculpture.
Monte Albán endured for 1,200 years, much longer than other Mesoamerican cities. Perhaps the mix of cooperating interests and institutions present since its founding allowed society to respond to new challenges creatively and effectively. Today it is a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
With its rich archaeological data from surveys and excavations, Monte Albán and its regional context in highland Oaxaca, along with cross-cultural comparative science, are useful for evaluating current theories about sociocultural evolution. Older theories and persistent ideas about only two paths to state building – premodern (Oriental) and modern democratic (Occidental) – are less effective as explanations than those that recognize alternative pathways, heterarchy, and multiple important institutions. Collective action theory shows significant promise.
The origins of the state in Oaxaca lie in the founding of Monte Albán, which in turn led to consequences much in evidence by the Late Formative (100 BC): hierarchy development, warfare, urban and rural demographic growth, social stratification, local irrigation projects and other new agricultural strategies, and an inclusive religious cult associated with fertility. Economic behavior changed with marketplace exchange, more output by craft specialists, and increased spending on house construction and portable goods (standard of living, economic growth).
Archaeology in Sudan and Nubia has been greatly impacted by modern colonialism in northeast Africa. In theory and practice, the discipline's history in the region includes interpretations of past realities that worked as intellectual bases for colonization. From a postcolonial standpoint, Sudan and Nubia offer us an opportunity to investigate complexity in the past beyond oversimplifying colonial narratives entangled with the practice of modern archaeology in the region. However, more complex, postcolonial interpretations of the ancient past have played only a small part in ‘decolonizing’ initiatives aiming to reframe archaeological practice and heritage in Sudan and Nubia today. In this paper, I discuss the different trajectories of postcolonial and decolonial theory in archaeology, focusing on Sudan and Nubia (roughly the region south of Egypt from Aswan and north of Sudan up to Khartoum). I will argue that bridging postcolonial and decolonial theory through what I will refer to as ‘narratives of reparation’ can offer us ways to address both conceptual problems underlying theory and practice and avenues for an all-encompassing decolonization of the field.
Excavations at Knossos have uncovered faunal and archaeobotanical archives spanning the Neolithic and Bronze Age (7th–2nd millennia bce), during which one of Europe’s earliest known farming settlements developed into its first major urban settlement and centre of one of its oldest regional states. Through stable isotope (δ13C, δ15N) analysis of seeds and bones (as evidence for the growing conditions of cereal and pulse crops and for the types of forage consumed by livestock), land use and, ultimately, political economy are explored. Changing husbandry conditions overwrite any effects of long-term aridification. Early (7th–6th millennium bce) Knossian farmers grew intensively managed cereals and pulses (probably in rotation) that were closely integrated (as manured sources of forage) with livestock. Through the later Neolithic and Bronze Age, settlement growth accompanied more extensive cultivation (eventually with cereals and pulses not in rotation) and greater use of rough graze and, by goats, browse. Pasture on cultivated land remained central, however, to the maintenance of sheep, cattle, and pigs. Variable diet of early sheep suggests management at the household level, while thereafter progressive dietary divergence of sheep and goats implies their separate herding. Until the Old Palace phase (early 2nd millennium bce), urban growth was matched by increasingly extensive and probably distant cultivation and herding but somewhat more intensive conditions during the New and Final Palace phases (mid-2nd millennium bce) perhaps reflect greater reliance on surplus from prime land of previously rival centres that now came under Knossian control.
Lisa French (1931–2021) was the first woman to be appointed as Director of the British School at Athens, from 1989–1994. Most of her adult life and career were devoted to the site of Mycenae, where she excavated with her father, Professor Alan Wace, in the 1950s and after his death in 1957 with Lord William Taylour. Thereafter, she continued studying and publishing the results of the excavations and studying and publishing on Mycenae and Mycenaean material culture more generally for the rest of her life. In 2013 she donated the Mycenae archive, containing records of all the British excavations at Mycenae, to the Faculty of Classics at Cambridge. She married David French in 1959, by whom she had two daughters. Her marriage led to her combining her work at Mycenae with playing an important part in French's excavations and, after he became Director of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, in effect taking responsibility for running the Institute from 1968 until 1976. The organisational experience this gave her proved invaluable when, after their divorce, she took up the wardenship of Ashburne Hall at Manchester University and later still when she became Director of the British School at Athens. Lisa was best known for her work on the Mycenaean terracotta figurines, which were originally the subject of her PhD thesis at University College London, and on the stratigraphically based chronology and typology of Mycenaean ceramic production, particularly that of Late Helladic III. Over the years, she successfully initiated successive generations of students of Mycenaean archaeology into the mysteries of its pottery.
Ancient DNA studies have identified western Scotland as the only known region in Britain where inter-breeding occurred between early 4th millennium bc Neolithic migrants and the indigenous Mesolithic population. By drawing on excavations at Mesolithic and Neolithic sites on the Isle of Islay, I identify a period of population overlap and suggest three scenarios for Mesolithic–Neolithic interaction: swift succession, dual population, and biocultural merger. These scenarios are evaluated against the archaeological evidence from Islay and elsewhere in western Scotland, and with reference to patterns of Mesolithic–Neolithic interaction in continental Europe. A cautious preference is expressed for biocultural merger, occurring between the mid-4th and mid-3rd millennia bc, a period that could be termed the ‘Neomesolithic’.
Mandra, on the uninhabited islet of Despotiko in the middle of the Aegean Sea, is well known to the archaeological community, owing to the discovery there in 2001 of an extensive sanctuary of Apollo. Twenty-two edifices have come to light so far, and the systematic excavation continues to elucidate the long history of the site. The Early Iron Age marked the earliest activity there, traces of which offer fertile grounds for reconsidering life in the Cyclades at the time. The richest evidence for this period is offered by a secondary deposition, detected near two Early Iron Age buildings, which revealed thousands of clay sherds, extending from the late ninth/early eighth to the late sixth century BC, quantities of animal bones, and more than 60 metal objects. This article focuses on a small group of Early Iron Age terracotta animal figurines from this deposition. Critically analysing both their association with ritual and the polarity of ritual and profane, an attempt is made to unravel the lifecycle of these figurines, treating them as agents of activity. Their function and meaning are interwoven with the activities operating at the site during the Early Iron Age, at least two centuries before the foundation of the Archaic temenos.
The high-altitude landscape of western Tibet is one of the most extreme environments in which humans have managed to introduce crop cultivation. To date, only sparse palaeoeconomic data have been reported from this region. The authors present archaeobotanical evidence from five sites (dating from the late first millennium BC and the early first millennium AD) located in the cold-arid landscape of western Tibet. The data indicate that barley was widely grown in this region by c. 400 BC but probably fulfilled differing roles within local ecological constraints on cultivation. Additionally, larger sites are characterised by more diverse crop assemblages than smaller sites, suggesting a role for social diversity in the development of high-altitude agriculture.
This is the most comprehensive introduction to the ancient Greek economy available in English. A team of specialists provides in non-technical language cutting edge accounts of a wide range of key themes in economic history, explaining how ancient Greek economies functioned and changed, and why they were stable and successful over long periods of time. Through its wide geographical perspective, reaching from the Aegean and the Black Sea to the Near East and Egypt under Greek rule, it reflects on how economic behaviour and institutions were formed and transformed under different political, ecological and social circumstances, and how they interacted and communicated over large distances. With chapters on climate and the environment, market development, inequality and growth, it encourages comparison with other periods of time and cultures, thus being of interest not just to ancient historians but also to readers concerned with economic cultures and global economic issues.