Cette étude propose une relecture inédite de la physique élémentaire d’Averroès à partir de trois questions laissées ouvertes par les textes d’Aristote : le statut des qualités premières, l’existence d’une intensité maximale de ces qualités, et la possibilité pour les corps simples d’exister à l’état pur. En croisant les commentaires au De caelo, au De generatione et corruptione et aux Meteorologica, son apport majeur consiste à faire apparaître, dans un corpus souvent lu à travers le seul prisme péripatéticien, l’influence structurante de Galien. En articulant les schèmes hylémorphiques d’Alexandre d’Aphrodise avec la théorie galénique des puissances naturelles, Averroès élabore une théorie du sensible inédite, critique à l’égard d’Avicenne, selon laquelle le cosmos est un système dynamique clos, dans lequel le mélange perpétuel, orchestré par le mouvement céleste, donne lieu à ce que l’on peut appeler une complexion cosmique : non pas un équilibre absolu, mais une somme réglée de complexions relatives, à la mesure de la diversité du sensible.

Fārābī had an Arabic translation of Ptolemy’s Harmonics and was deeply immersed in it. The evidence is internal to Kitāb al-Mūsīqā al-kabīr. A passage can be found at the end of the first book of the madḫal in which Ptolemy is mentioned by name and his treatise on music also receives explicit mention. The puzzle is that, according to Fārābī, Ptolemy acknowledges directly in the Harmonics that he could not discriminate different patterns of attunement by ear, but Ptolemy nowhere makes any comment about his level of musicianship. The best way to understand Fārābī’s puzzling claim is as an inference from Ptolemy’s attempt to disprove Aristoxenus’ argument that the fourth is equal to two and a half tones. The paper argues that the inference is plausible, that Fārābī drew it and that he could not have drawn it without being intimately familiar with Ptolemy’s Harmonics.

The “Concession to Avicenna,” also known as the seventh chapter of De substantia orbis, is one of Averroes’s several philosophical attempts to reconcile between the corporeality of the celestial bodies and their eternity. The “Concession” contains a brief and rare nod of approval to Avicenna, which prompted the title under which it circulated. The work, lost in Arabic, survives in Ṭodros Ṭodrosi’s Hebrew translation from 1340, from which Abraham de Balmes’s subsequent Latin translation was made in the early sixteenth century. The present contribution offers, for the first time, an edition of the text in Hebrew and its original Latin translation (before its editorial revision for the 1525 editio princeps), alongside an introduction, a philosophical analysis of the argument, an English translation, and a glossary.

This article explores the interplay between the individual and the collective in The Blind Owl and illustrates how a distinctive historical perspective emerges from its complex allegorical form. A close reading of the novel reveals how the text superimposes biographical and cultural pasts through the juxtaposition of sexual fetishism and nostalgia, presenting both as symptoms of a fraught relationship with one’s infantile and cultural histories. The article reads The Blind Owl as a satirical critique of a figure whose conflicting desires to commemorate and forget the past drive a series of fetishistic behaviors, culminating in failure. Ultimately, the novel offers a cynical reflection on the nationalist nostalgia cultivated by traditionalist intelligentsia within the peripheral modernity of early twentieth-century Iran.

The Jina uprising, ignited by the state-sanctioned killing of Jina (Mahsa) Amini in September 2022, marked a historic convergence of gender, ethnic, and religious resistance in Iran, particularly in Eastern Kurdistan (also known as Rojhelat or Iranian Kurdistan). Although the movement was initially framed as a feminist revolution, Sunni Muslim clerics and leaders played a pivotal role in shaping its trajectory. This article examines how religious discourse catalyzed and sustained the uprising, challenging conventional secular frames of social movement theory. Sunni-majority Eastern Kurdistan became a hub for both Kurdish nationalist and religious mobilization as clerics leveraged mosques and sermons to amplify the movement’s demands, intertwining gender-based struggles with calls for ethnic and religious recognition. Despite historical restrictions on political organization, networks of Sunni Islamic groups and clerical bodies provided leadership, solidarity, and moral legitimacy to protesters, even as state violence escalated. By contextualizing the Jina uprising within Iran’s Persian Shiʿi nationalist framework, this article demonstrates how religion, often sidelined in analyses of modern uprisings, remains a powerful force of resistance, uniting diverse grievances against multilayered systemic oppression. It also is a reminder of the duality of religion as both a site of state control and a transformative vehicle for recognition and liberation.

In this article, we examine how domestic heating technologies functioned as instruments of spatial reconfiguration and imperial power in twentieth-century Iran. The replacement of the traditional floor-based korsi with portable oil heaters like the Aladdin catalyzed a shift in how domestic space was materially organized. Whereas the heating ecology centered around the korsi unfolded on the ground and resisted Western objects such as sofas, refrigerators, and stoves that needed elevated or upright usage above the floor, the Aladdin enacted a subtle but powerful form of imperialism by reorienting bodies and their spatial modes of habituation toward upright “civilized” living. We argue that this technological shift and spatial elevation enabled the inflow of Western goods into Iranian homes, helping to affix Iran as a semiperipheral state within the global capitalist economic system. Rather than treating materiality as neutral or derivative, this study foregrounds its role as a mediator of social transformation, in which heating technology becomes a vector of governance and spatial elevation a proxy for progress. By centering the home as a site of techno-political encounter, we reveal how imperial rationalities were naturalized through mundane objects within the space of domesticity.

Dust-winds across the southern Iran-Iraq borderlands in the past decade have played a crucial role in how the Iranian state invests in both maintaining its major oil sites, despite intensive sanctions, and organising cooperation with local farmers to block the transmission of dust across its sovereign territory. This paper extends the ethnographic exploration of economic sanctions to their environmental interventions, studying the everyday lives of people in Khuzestan province. Environmental historians have examined landscapes altered by military activities and sanctions, but an anthropological approach to the essential entanglement of meteorological upheaval and sanctions characterized by bad air is lacking. Drawing on critical theories of breathing, I trace the explosion of dust into Iranian geopolitics as a conundrum of how the power dynamics of sanctions and sovereignty intermingle with aerosols. Within the frame of state-sponsored projects, engineers, scientists, environmental activists, farmers, and traders cooperate and compete in atmospherically focused coalitions to stabilize soil and dust against their spread. As a voluminous entity that is dispersed across the bodies of breathers, these atmospherically focused coalitions give visibility to the sanctions and the gaps in the state’s sovereignty.

Utilizing data on household consumption expenditure patterns and sectorial greenhouse gas emissions, we study the extent of inequality over Turkish households’ differentiated carbon footprint incidences. We harmonize the household budget survey data of the Turkish Statistical Institute (TURKSTAT) with production-based gas emissions data from EXIOBASE3 and investigate both the direct and indirect emissions across household-level income strata. Our calculations reveal that the households in the highest income decile alone are responsible for 19.4 percent of the overall (direct and indirect) emissions, whereas the bottom 10 percent of households are responsible for 4.3 percent. We also find that for direct emissions, the per-household average of the highest income decile exceeds that of the lowest income decile by a factor of 11.2. Notably, 87 percent of the indirect emissions budget for the poorest decile is linked to food and housing expenses, underscoring their susceptibility to climate policies. We confer that in designing the net-zero emission pathways to combat climate change, it would not suffice to study the technological transition of decarbonization solely and that the successful implementation of an indigenous environmental policy will ultimately depend upon the socio-economic factors of income distribution strata, indicators of consumption demand, and responsiveness of the individual households to react to price signals.

This study discusses the Friday mosque of Sava in detail. The monument is significant among Iranian mosques due to its architectural evolution across various construction periods. These periods, which include the early Islamic centuries and the Saljuq, Ilkhanid, and Safavid periods, each have left their mark on the building’s design and decorative elements. The study provides as much descriptive information as possible of the mosque’s main characteristics, offering a comprehensive view of its architectural evolution. Drawing on previous studies, which were carried out mainly in the 1980s by the Iranian Cultural Heritage Organization (ICHO) and author site visits, this paper elucidates building construction and modifications from the earliest Islamic centuries through the Saljuq, Ilkhanid, and Safavid periods.