This short note argues that at Aen. 1.487, in the midst of Virgil’s ekphrasis of the paintings on the temple of Juno in Carthage, the phrase tendentemque manus Priamum conspexit inermis alludes to the name of Hermes, the god who escorted the unarmed Priam from Troy to Achilles’ tent where he ransomed the body of Hector. This wordplay aligns with other instances in which the poet invites readers to observe his dextrous paronomasia, especially involving names.

The middle-Platonic tendencies of Plutarch are not only pervasive in his philosophical ideas; his temperate approach to life can be appreciated in many other contexts, and the culinary world is no exception. Particularly interesting, given his moderate views, is his depiction of foods bringing opposites together to create balance. This article first considers the combination of the opposite concepts of γλυκύς (sweet) and πικρός (bitter) in Plutarch in general; then, with reference to food consumption, it studies references to honey, both in association with a bitter element and when honey itself is described as both sweet and bitter. The article surveys the appearance of honey in other sources to obtain a wider picture before drawing conclusions with regard to Plutarch’s own literary creation.

This article studies how some of the narrative settings in Herodian’s History supply the reader with fundamental rhetorical information about the actio of its speeches. I examine the actio in the settings of the speeches delivered by Marcus Aurelius (1.4.2–6), Crispinus (8.3.4–6), and Maximinus (7.8.4–8). These settings can determine the length of a speech, the typology of an address, or the characterisation of the speaker. Accordingly, readers can understand why the historian chooses a particular type of speech in each narrative context. All this evinces the great care which Herodian put into the writing of these sections of his History.

In In Parmenidem 1.15.7–14, Damascius surveys several principles in a first attempt to determine what is the cause of matter qua matter. This article aims to correct the text and interpretation of these lines adopted in the standard edition of Damascius’ In Parmenidem by Westerink and Combès, by proposing the emendation δύναμιν οὖσαν in line 11; more generally, it seeks to elucidate this intricate passage, which is a largely neglected source for Damascius’ conception of the material layers. In doing so, the article sheds light on his present strategy to address the question, by showing that it involves going through several aspects of the material substrate—that is, various material layers—from the most specific to the most elementary, and taking into consideration the cause of each of them. Moreover, the article clarifies the identity of the various entities that Damascius mentions in the passage. This analysis will thus contribute to the reconstruction of Damascius’ theory of the origin of matter.

This article examines the functions and meanings of akropoleis in Greek antiquity, drawing on references from ancient textual sources from Homer until the second century AD. Despite its rarity in literature and epigraphy, the word ‘akropolis’ carried a wide array of often conflicting connotations throughout antiquity. This study highlights how the symbolic meaning of ‘akropolis’, in parallel with historical developments, developed from an overall marker of civic pride in Classical-period texts to a metaphor of oppressive rule in later literature. While acknowledging local and temporal variation, the study argues for a careful, historically grounded application of the term in scholarship. Ultimately, akropoleis emerge not only as architectural features but as potent cultural signifiers with enduring resonance in the political and philosophical imagination of antiquity.