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Terrorist groups face a wide range of organizational issues. They have to recruit members, raise funds, articulate a political vision, develop operational plans, train personnel, execute attacks, and justify their actions. Unlike most organizations, however, they must do so while remaining as covert as possible, making all the normal challenges of organizational management significantly harder. This chapter reviews the organizational issues that terrorist groups face and that counterterrorist organizations should take into account.
Akihisa Mori, Kyoto University, Japan,Nur Firdaus, National Research and Innovation Agency, Indonesia ,Yasuhiro Ogura, National Institute of Science and Technology Policy, Japan
This chapter takes the Philippines as a case to elucidate the direction and speed of electricity system transition under a vertically unbundled, competitive wholesale market model, with a focus on changes in the complementary elements of the electricity system. The study employed the analytical framework based on the grid paradigm presented in Chapter 3. The results showed that despite institutional development consistent with systems based on renewable-energy-sourced electricity (RES-E), delays in infrastructure development in high-voltage backbone and interconnection transmission grids and restrictive RES-E policy have stimulated investments in new coal power plants and deterred transitions to RES-based systems. Energy security concerns about the perceived growth of electricity demand and depletion of domestic gas fields motivated the government to use natural gas as additional generation fuel rather than balancing power. Energy oligarchs capitalised on the moratorium on new coal plants to supply ancillary services from fully depreciated coal power, investing in large-scale battery energy storage systems and gas power assets, and increasing economic gains. These factors are likely to direct the Philippines towards a natural-gas-based electricity system, combining the flexible paradigm in the RES-based system with a few clean dispatchable capacities.
Akihisa Mori, Kyoto University, Japan,Nur Firdaus, National Research and Innovation Agency, Indonesia ,Yasuhiro Ogura, National Institute of Science and Technology Policy, Japan
This Chapter examines whether and to what extent WTO members can be accountable for applying security measures before international adjudicators and how the invocation of security exceptions can impact the international courts’ or tribunals’ proceedings. The idea of balancing free trade and national security is bound to substantiate itself in a compression of the right to sovereignty, which can be assessed through the good faith review or the use of a necessity test. The investigation of the meaning and mechanisms of these tests and the scope of discretion that should be granted to the decisions of WTO members in their national security matters allows for establishing the framework for reviewing security exceptions.
Akihisa Mori, Kyoto University, Japan,Nur Firdaus, National Research and Innovation Agency, Indonesia ,Yasuhiro Ogura, National Institute of Science and Technology Policy, Japan
This chapter presents an analysis of changes in the elements of the electricity system in Vietnam, elucidating the direction and speed of electricity system transitions under conditions of vertical bundling and underdeveloped markets. The study employs an analytical framework based on the grid paradigm presented in Chapter 3. The results showed that disorderly and abrupt electricity sector reform and underdeveloped infrastructure have impeded transitions towards renewable-energy-sourced electricity (RES-E) systems; however, the study suggests that natural gas can bridge the change in generation between coal and RES-E. Despite feed-in tariffs for RES-E and internal and external landscape changes, such as negative implications of coal power plants, the pledge to Global Coal to Clean Power Transition Statement and net-zero emissions, international credit restrictions, and high-voltage backbone transmission grids, RES-E projects are deemed less bankable owing to uncertain, abrupt, and disorderly policy intervention. Coal and gas inertia are reinforced and a fuel shift to gas will be accelerated despite national security concerns over increasing dependency on imported natural gas. Past commissions to coal and gas power will direct the electricity system towards ammonia-biomass co-firing and hydrogen power to mitigate asset stranding once these technologies become commercially available on a large scale.
On June 28, 1914, a young Bosnian Serb committed the most consequential terrorist attack of the twentieth century, shooting dead the Archduke Ferdinand and his wife as their motorcade rode through Sarajevo. The young assassin, a civilian armed and trained by a Serbian intelligence officer, could not have known that by killing the heir to the Austro-Hungarian Empire he would trigger the First World War. Yet he did. Allies of both Austria-Hungary and Serbia honored existing commitments, so their bilateral conflict escalated into a war of unprecedented scale, killing 20 million before it ended in 1918. Worse, instabilities resulting from that war contributed to the outbreak of the Second World War two decades later, which was four times as lethal. To this day those catastrophes cast dark shadows on our lives.
This final chapter summarizes key arguments about how the neglect of decentralized property rights and markets as central elements of US environmental legislation can inform overall institutional formation. Although transaction cost efficiencies motivate private institutional change, they have not been major drivers in government policy. Rent-seeking dominates, with implications for institutional formation and human welfare.
In this paper, we analyze the role of global geopolitical risks (GPRs), including those associated with terror attacks and threats, on the realized volatility of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom (UK), and the United States (US), i.e., the G7 countries, over the period 1917 to 2016. For our purpose, we use a time-varying nonparametric panel data model approach, which offers substantial efficiency gains in estimating the relationship in a time-varying manner, while controlling for nonlinearity and cross-sectional interdependencies across economies, unlike a time series-based model. We find that GPRs can decrease or increase volatility contingent on the state of the two variables of concern, with attacks having a stronger impact on volatility than threats. Our results have important implications for investors and policymakers.
Akihisa Mori, Kyoto University, Japan,Nur Firdaus, National Research and Innovation Agency, Indonesia ,Yasuhiro Ogura, National Institute of Science and Technology Policy, Japan
Climate-related stranded assets have attracted attention owing to growing concerns over the negative impacts of decarbonisation on the value of assets of carbon-intensive industries and the economy-wide knock-on effects of massive value destruction within the fossil fuel industry. However, the propagation of climate-related transition risk to the electricity sector through both financial and non-financial networks has been under-investigated. A literature review was conducted to extract theoretical causal channels and to identify bottlenecks on the ground. In theory, the financial sector revalues the costs of capital and financial assets and employs various measures to transfer the risk. On the ground, few energy and electricity companies have stepped into the early retirement of existing capacity even though major private banks, institutional investors, and export credit agencies worldwide are changing engagement with them. Chinese state banks’ continuous financing of coal power remains a barrier to the early retirement of new capacity. Financial approaches to individual companies can change these behaviours only when they are synchronised with changes in the electricity system and when accessibility to critical minerals, metals, and technologies for flexible and dispatchable generation capacity is ensured. The research incorporates empirical evidence to update the analytical framework used.
There is increased public attention directed to the topic of weapons trade and this is a positive development because enhanced scrutiny holds a promise of bringing more accountability to the field that has long been obscure. This article reviews the possibility of criminal prosecutions of corporate officials for supplying weapons to Gaza, Yemen and Ukraine at the International Criminal Court (ICC) or a similar forum. The Nuremberg Trials planted seeds for such an endeavour by holding several industrialists criminally liable. Yet, modern international criminal law has so far largely stayed away from defining the scope of individual criminal responsibility for corporate officials. The case studies in this paper reveal that the moment is not ripe for commencing actual investigations at the ICC. Nonetheless, a future consensus is slowly building through (often failed) attempts to use legal or policy avenues to define the standards of conduct in the weapons trade.
It seems futile to look for order in the tangle of norms that abound in the global extractive sector, even more so to look for the teleological principle that would give it meaning. In this tangle, normative regimes interact with each other—in a largely contingent manner—as elements of an ecosystem. We argue that inasmuch as order emerges in the global extractive normative ecosystem, it is a function of the success of norm entrepreneurs such as Export and Development Canada (EDC), Canada’s export credit agency, a financial institution adhering to the Equator Principles. Norms entrepreneurs like EDC perform various normative bricolages claiming to deliver different goods such as free, prior and informed consent (FPIC). We analyse how EDC tinkers with different normative instruments, including the International Finance Corporation’s Standard 7 regarding Indigenous Peoples, to deliver ‘FPIC compliance’ in jurisdictions that are deemed ‘deficient’. We argue that the political ontologies promoted by EDC’s notion of FPIC are better understood within the logic of leverage that underlies EDC’s Environmental and Social Risk Management Policy. These ontologies directly contradict notions of FPIC as expressions of Indigenous self-determination. In our view, offering such normative solutions as a palliative for ‘weak’ jurisdictions—a kind of ‘do-it-yourself (DIY) FPIC regime’ implemented by extractive companies—is thus deeply problematic. We conclude that the appraisal of such normative solutions as put forward by these norm entrepreneurs should look beyond the vocabulary these bricolages mobilise to also consider the political grammar that they induce in territories subject to extraction.
War is a lucrative business for the military industry, particularly in contexts of mass and structural violence, extensive violations of international law and genocide. For economically advanced states, the profits generated by military businesses are often seen as beneficial under the dynamics of the military-industrial complex. Israel’s genocide in Gaza, which has caused untold suffering that has ‘scarred the consciousness of humanity’, aptly illustrates this dynamic.
In such a context, states and corporations arguably have a duty under international law not to contribute to or benefit from the war economy of the state committing such violations. In practice, however, adhering to these obligations conflicts with the lucrative economic and geopolitical opportunities that this war economy provides. This essay reflects on the argumentative techniques used by states and corporations to justify continued military support for Israel, despite its clear contradiction with their international legal obligations.
In the Lafarge decision of 7 September 2021, the French Cour de cassation resolved a long-standing unclarity about the interpretation of French criminal law on complicity in the context of multinational corporations’ involvement in international crimes. The court found that complicity in crimes against humanity can be characterized as soon as a business actor is aware that its actions can facilitate the criminal activities of the main perpetrator, without sharing their specific intent to commit the crime. With this ruling, France’s highest criminal court asserted that the transfer of money from multinational cement company Lafarge to the Islamic State (ISIS) to maintain its industrial activity in northern Syria could trigger its liability for complicity in crimes against humanity. This article summarizes this case from a French and international criminal law perspective, focusing on the charge of complicity in crimes against humanity, and assessing the potential implications of this jurisprudence to the arms industry.
In 2018, human rights organizations filed a criminal complaint in Italy against the directors of the Italian armaments export licensing authority (UAMA) and the CEO of the arms manufacturer RWM Italia, following the discovery of bomb remnants on the site of an airstrike in Yemen that killed six civilians. The criminal complaint was dismissed in March 2023, despite the judge ruling that UAMA’s directors had violated the Arms Trade Treaty. In July 2023, the victims filed an application to the European Court of Human Rights against Italy, alleging a violation of the right to life. Drawing on an analysis of the criminal investigation files, this piece assesses the failures of the Italian state and RWM Italia to comply with their international human rights obligations regarding arms transfers. It considers the potential for improving accountability within the arms trade via domestic and European courts.
This book examines how material systems such as transportation, energy and housing form the basis of human freedom. It begins by explaining this linkage by defining reliance systems, the basic way in which we become free to act not only as a result of our bodily capabilities or the absence of barriers but because of collectively produced systems. As virtually all of us rely on such systems – water, food, energy, healthcare, etc. – for freedom, the book argues that they must form the centre of a twenty-first-century politics. Rather than envisioning a healthier politics of reliance systems exclusively through rights or justice or deliberative democracy, we argue that they must become the centre of a new social contract. More specifically, we discuss the politics of reliance systems as a set of spatial contracts. Spatial contracts are the full set of politics governing any given system, and as such they are historically, geographically and system specific. In order to fully understand spatial contracts, we develop an analytical framework focused on three areas. Seeing like a system shows how systems thinking can enable us to avoid ideological approaches to understanding given spatial contracts, repurposing key ideas from mainstream and heterodox economics. Seeing like a settlement shows how systems come together in space to form human settlements, and exposes key political divides between urban and rural, and formal and informal. Adapting Iris Marion Young’s five faces of oppression enables an understanding of the specific ways in which reliance systems can be exploitative.