This historical study examines the evolving landscape of gender equality within the Anglican Church in the Diocese of Central Tanganyika (DCT), with a focus on health-related developments in the post-colonial period. Tracing the trajectory from entrenched gender-based limitations to broader inclusivity, the article highlights how women, once marginalized in Church health initiatives, have gained visibility and agency, particularly since the 1980s. The period marks a turning point in which women began to access education, participate in leadership and contribute to health programmes that had long been male-dominated. Traditional gender roles have gradually shifted, reflecting a redefinition of responsibility within the Church and a growing embrace of shared leadership rooted in Christian values of love, cooperation and mutual respect. However, despite institutional advancements and theological support for equality, enduring gender disparities, especially in rural health services, continue to pose serious challenges. This study underscores the dual narrative of progress and persistent inequality, offering an important account of the Anglican Church’s ongoing journey towards holistic gender inclusion in health and ministry.

For Pierre Hadot, inventor of ‘Philosophy as a Way of Life’ (PWL), scholasticism, of which Aquinas is usually seen as the arch-representative, was not only the opposite of PWL but the agent of its destruction. I argue that Hadot’s view of Aquinas results from confusing ‘philosophy’ in the broad sense, which is how it needs to be understood in relation to PWL, with ‘philosophy’ in the narrower sense that it had for Aquinas himself. When Aquinas’s life and work is examined with this distinction in mind, he is seen to be as much an exponent of PWL as the medieval and modern thinkers (Boethius of Dacia, Dante, Montaigne, Kant, Nietzsche) usually cited by Hadot and his followers. This conclusion puts into doubt the historical narrative proposed by exponents of PWL. But some of Hadot’s own remarks leave room for a restricted version of PWL, stripped of its historical narrative and suggestions about the content of a philosophical life. This pure methodological Philosophy as a Way of Life, MPWL, does not make the unsustainable claims of PWL and helps to show how analytical, historical and more broadly philosophical approaches to Aquinas can be brought together.

A devise of an advowson to human trustees in a will without using words of limitation takes effect, as the result of a parenthesis in section 30 of the Wills Act 1837 and of subsequent legislation, as a settlement for the lifetime of the last survivor of the original trustees; thereafter the advowson will pass to the testator’s residuary beneficiaries. The Law Commission’s Report on Wills recommends that this anomaly should not apply to wills coming into effect in the future. The existing rules will continue to govern wills made before any change in the law.

For centuries, English law discriminated against Catholics and Jews. Those rules were mostly repealed in the 19th century, but surprisingly the law still says that a Catholic or Jewish person cannot advise the King on appointments within the Church of England or Church of Scotland. Ordinarily, new Church of England bishops are nominated by the King on the advice of the Prime Minister, but a Catholic or Jewish Prime Minister could not exercise that function; it would have to devolve on another Minister of the Crown. The article analyses the impact of this rule today, and, drawing on two interviews, considers how this rule was applied when Boris Johnson was Prime Minister. The article argues that the discriminatory rule should be repealed, allowing any Prime Minister, regardless of their faith or lack thereof, to carry out their duties in full.

Today, the Chancery Court is the appeal court for the province of York in the Church of England. There are some excellent specialised period-specific studies which take in the Chancery Court alongside other York church courts, mostly from the Borthwick Institute at York.1 However, there is no book exclusively devoted to the Chancery Court setting out its full history. The court is also rather neglected in standard texts on the history of English ecclesiastical law. Even the great Richard Helmholz has no index entry on it in his monumental history of canon law in England.2 Holdsworth in his well-known history of the common law has a page and a half on courts of the Archbishop of Canterbury; as to York’s archiepiscopal courts, he simply states they ‘corresponded’ to those of Canterbury.3 These are typical of most scholars today.4 This article, therefore, seeks to redress this imbalance – to correct what seems to be a case of juridical amnesia and so to unveil the forgotten, or hidden, Chancery Court of York. It offers a short history of the identity, jurisdiction, officers, records and processes, and jurisprudence of the Chancery Court of York. It also points out some key differences between the Chancery Court and its Canterbury equivalent, the Arches Court. The article focuses mainly on its post-Reformation history, as treated in the dispersed secondary literature – and it adds to this what the English ecclesiastical lawyers since the Reformation – civilians, common lawyers, and clerical jurists – say about this York court.

How do secular and religious national role conceptions (NRCs) influence interstate rivalry? To explore this, we examine the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia, two theocratic states. Drawing on scholarship that integrates power politics and religion, we examine how instrumental motivations shape religion-based policymaking. Using semantic network and regression analyses on data from eight official Twitter/X accounts of Iranian and Saudi foreign policy officials (2015–2021), we find that both states’ officials strategically use secular and religious NRCs in response to foreign policy roles adopted by their rival. Our findings underscore the coexistence of these NRCs and their selective application in managing rivalry. Methodologically, the study contributes to foreign policy analysis research by employing quantitative semantic analysis of social media data. It also offers a novel lens for understanding Iran-Saudi competition and the broader intersection of religion and foreign policy.

In the volatile year 1968, just weeks after the assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert F. Kennedy, an editor in the Roanoke World-News noted a strange new pop cultural phenomenon. Christian folk and rock music had arrived. Jonathan Guest, an Anglican pastor from Liverpool, and Chuck Hess, a Roanoke, Virginia man, had begun to perform for teen groups and college students. “We are reaching young people in their idiom with their type of music,” Chuck exclaimed. Put simply, Chuck believed that “if Christianity is to be relevant, it must be relevant today, and we think we can make it so with new forms of music and lyrics.” (World-News, June 29, 1968) Others who joined the early God rock craze included the shambling amateur pop rock group the Crusaders, the psychedelic rockers Mind Garage, and the young rockabilly gospel shouter Isabel Baker. From these inauspicious beginnings, Christian pop music would develop into a billion-dollar industry by the 1990s.