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The distinction between modern and traditional-style schooling was an important one, for it coincided with and reinforced the urban-rural dichotomy. Traditional elementary schooling was diffused throughout the countryside and was not confined to towns and cities, although it was prevalent there. Another institution was the public elementary school inherited from the late imperial era, which was intended to serve children from poor families. In this manner, education in Republican China became more differentiated: The new Westernized learning was concentrated at the national and elite levels and in the cities, while the rural areas remained to a greater degree the preserve of traditional values and learning. The authority of the education bureaucracy was bypassed at the central as well as the local levels of the Border Region Education Department to an advisory capacity. The conference announced the new principles that would guide the education work plan drawn up to coordinate educational development with the first year of the 1st Five-Year Plan.
China's top foreign policy goal was to develop good relations with its socialist "elder brother", the Soviet Union. The newly established People's Republic of China was soon faced with the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950. The Sino-American antagonism fueled by the Korean War set the pattern for the subsequent Cold War in Asia. Consequently the potential friction between China and the Soviet Union was played down by both sides. In the mid-1950s China's foreign policy thus followed what might be termed the Bandung Line of peaceful coexistence. China's prestige and influence rose steadily, and at one point Peking seemed to be emerging as the champion of the world's newly independent nations. Mao Tse-tung witnessed the signing of the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Alliance, and the treaty was basically a military pact designed to display the monolithic unity of China and the Soviet Union against any resurgence of Japanese militarism.
Many studies of Chinese thought tend to concentrate on the growth of what are regarded as the three major schools of Confucianism, Legalism, and Taoism. These terms should be used with care, particularly for the four centuries of Ch'in and Han, when major developments were taking place. Some Ch'in and Han thinkers laid deep stress on the need to organize the life and work of mankind by means of sanctions and institutions, with the specific intention of enriching and strengthening the state. Chinese mythology alludes to the emergence and work of culture heroes. The peoples of the Ch'in and Han age inherited from their forbears the worship of a number of deities. The relationship between Buddhism and Taoist religion came to be complex. The importance of music had been recognized by the designation of one text as the Yueh-ching, now long lost.
This volume gives an account of the first of the Chinese united empires, known respectively as the Ch'in, Former Han, Hsin, and Later Han dynasties. (The terms Western and Eastern Han sometimes appear in place of Former and Later Han.) The obvious dates marking the beginning and the end of the period are those of two key events: the establishment of the Ch'in empire in 221 B.C. and the abdication of the last Han emperor in A.D. 220. However, these two specified years should not be taken as the rigid limits of the period that is covered by this volume. The events of 221 B.C. were the culmination of developments of the preceding centuries, and of necessity the first chapter of the book refers readers to the incidents, personalities, and developments of the Warring States period. Similarly, although the abdication of Hsien-ti may be regarded as the formal end of the Han dynasty, the process of imperial disruption was already far advanced long before that date; it may even be maintained that in real terms the outbreak of the revolt of the Yellow Turbans, in A.D. 184, marked the end of Han imperial authority. In considering the political developments of these last decades, when a powerless emperor still occupied the Han throne, it is essential to look forward to the succeeding period, when the disruption of the Han empire had finally taken place and its territories split between the three coexistent kingdoms of Wei, Shu-Han, and Wu.
Early Chinese law is the law of a fully developed archaic society. The ancient nobility of the predynastic period had long since disappeared; the marquises of the Ch'in-Han period had titles but no real fiefs, and consequently no power. The orders of honor which were conferred during the Ch'in and Han periods carried with them several privileges, including that of a reduction in punishment for crime; but the marquises, or nobles, enjoyed no special status other than that of holders of the highest orders. Early traditional China knew three types of punishment: the death penalty, the mutilating punishments, and hard labor. Redemption of punishment was common practice during both the Ch'in and the Han periods; the technical term, shu, is also used for slaves buying their freedom. The Han period saw the birth of several systems which were to continue throughout the imperial period: the entry into the civil service through recommendation, through examinations, and by title of birth.
This chapter discusses the development of the Confucian schools in the early phases of China's history. The center of Lu seems to have remained predominantly within the early Confucian tradition, concentrating on the cultivation of the ancient rites and music and the interpretation of classical lore. The rulers' charisma is sanctioned by the mandate they receive from Heaven, t'ien-ming. The oldest strata of the l-ching constitute a ritualized form of divinatory practice which ensured an orderly contact with the forces that governed the destiny of man. The special contribution of the Confucian school lies in its reflection on the meaning of the ancient ritual order and the place of man in this order, especially man entrusted with power. Tsou Yen was one of many scholars who were counted as belonging to the class of fang-shih, experts on esoteric and magical arts.
The Han dynasty fell because the concept of dynastic change had made its way from the people to influential circles in Ts'ao Ts'ao's entourage. Weak emperors, or eunuchs, empresses, and the Yellow Turbans are blamed for the decline of Han, but until a thousand years after its fall efforts were still being made to restore the dynasty. For some, the creation of the Wei dynasty remained an unlawful act which tainted those emperors and their successors with illegitimacy. Liu Yuan had a detailed knowledge of the vicissitudes of Later Han history and the events accompanying its fall. In AD 338, a new Han dynasty was proclaimed in the same city that had served as Liu Pei's capital, in the southwestern corner of China. When the Chinese dynasties were driven to the southeast after 316 by non-Chinese invaders from the north, it was important for them to know that they were the true holders and inheritors of the mandate.
The collapse of the Han dynasty during the second and third centuries AD together with the political, social, and economic troubles that it brought about, resulted in a period of intellectual ferment unequaied in Chinese history except at the end of the Chou period, the end of the Ming dynasty and the revolutions of the twentieth century. Toward the end of the second century BC, Chuang-tzu was well known among a group of literary men gathered at his court by the king of Huai-nan. In the midst of the upheavals of the end of the Han dynasty, the long-concealed layer of popular Taoism rose to the surface in a series of rebellions that broke out in 184. In the midst of this Taoist explosion Buddhism was introduced to China. Real philosophical exegesis of the Chuang-tzu started only with Hsiang Hsiu and Kuo Hsiang, the greatest thinkers of the generation after Ho Yen and Wang Pi.
The most important source for the study of Later Han institutions is the "Treatise on the hundred officials" in the Hou-Han shu or Later Han history. During Former Han, the office of the grand tutor had been filled only at the beginning and end of the dynasty. The Later Han dynasty maintained the system established in 8 BC by which the three highest regularly appointed career officials had the same rank. These were the so-called three excellencies: the grand minister of finance, the marshal of state and the grand minister of works. In AD 35, the founder of Later Han recognized the depopulation of Shuo-fang due to Hsiung-nu pressure, abolished the province, and added its territory to an adjoining unit. Both Han dynasties appointed staffs for the purpose of inspecting the performance of all officials in the commanderies and kingdoms.
Ch'in long existed as a small state or principality and then as a major dynasty and empire. The Chinese world became divided into a multitude of political entities; some 170 are believed to have existed during the Chou subperiod known as the Spring and Autumn period. Both non-Marxist and Marxist historians have been exercised over the appropriate use of the term feudalism. The improvement in agriculture was probably accompanied by a growth of population, despite the simultaneous intensification of warfare. In Ch'in and several contemporary principalities, the political changes just noted were accompanied by an evolution toward more sophisticated institutions and organs of central government. The Ch'in empire is regarded as the supreme embodiment of the ideas and techniques known as Legalism. Shang Yang had been chancellor in Ch'in, and Shen Pu-hai had been chancellor in the much smaller neighboring state of Hann.
This chapter assesses in what ways the practical operation of imperial government varied during the Later Han or how it was affected by the turmoil of factional strife. There are signs that during the second half of the first century AD and even earlier, the administration of the restored Han government had been oppressive and over-rigorous. Chang-ti's reign saw a distinct improvement in internal communications in the southern part of the empire. At the beginning of the Yung-ch'u period, a succession of droughts and floods had created distress in a number of areas. P'ang Ts'an's suggestion was opposed by Yii Hsu, who was serving as a gentleman of the palace on the staff of Li Hsiu, the supreme commander. In 126 Yu Hsu, who had just been appointed colonel, internal security, raised the cry that the government had been oppressive.
The survey of developments in Chinese philosophy and religion between Han and T'ang constitutes one of the last major publications of Paul Demieville in a career that stretched from the days of Chavannes and Pelliot to the more recent efflorescence in Paris of the study of Chinese religion. Recent Chinese writings on the Yellow Turbans have for the most part preferred to emphasize the social and political background to the uprising of 184. Certainly the past decade has shown how the Taoist canon can be used to amplify the history of Taoism in southern China, which in Demieville's narrative is subsumed under accounts of its three leading figures, Ko Hung, Lu Hsiu-ching, and T'ao Hung-ching. For although all three of these men were southerners, aristocrats, and scholars, a close reading of materials in the canon has shown that the position of Ko Hung in the history of Taoism is very different from that of Lu or T'ao.
The system of imperial government evolved during the Ch'in and Han periods was marked by the division of responsibilities, the duplication of some offices, and the organization of civil servants into hierarchies. The principal method of recruiting civil servants was by the recommendation of provincial officials or of senior ministers in the central government. The academy flourished in Later Han, admitting foreigners as well as Chinese. The importance of the secretariat was recognized as early as 46 BC in a telling remark made by the statesman Hsiao Wang-chih. The great majority of the inhabitants of the Ch'in and Han empires lived on the land in villages. Major decisions of state policy depended theoretically on the choice and authority of the emperor, or on that of the empress dowager The government of Ch'in and Han rested on principles enunciated by Shang Yang and Han Fei: that meritorious service must be encouraged by rewards, and infringement of the law must be punished.
The Han dynasty bequeathed to China an ideal and a concept of empire that survived basically intact for two thousand years. Modernist policies derived from the unification of China by Ch'in and the operation of imperial government under the principles of Shang Yang, Shen Pu-hai, and Han Fei. The first century of the Han empire witnessed the implementation, modification, or extension of these policies in a number of ways. The imperial institutions and intellectual framework of the Han empire were evolved and modified as a result of controversy, violence, or rebellion. Ch'en She and Wu Kuang are named as the two men who were the first to challenge the authority of the Ch'in empire. The major difference between the systems of government of Ch'in and Han lay in the organization of the provinces. During the last fifty years of the Former Han period, foreign policy was marked at times by a refusal to engage potential enemies.