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As Tsou Yen's theory increasingly gained currency, China's self-image of its geographical situation underwent a fundamental change. The Han Chinese world order not only existed as an idea, but, more important, also expressed itself in an institutional form. The Han world order was defined mainly in terms of the so-called five-zone or wu-fu theory. The five-zone theory played an important historical role in the development of foreign relations during the Han period. Central to the institutional expressions of the Han understanding of world order is the development of the famous tributary system. The first great challenge faced by Han statesmen in their shaping of a foreign policy emanated from the steppe-based empire to the north, that of the Hsiung-nu. On the financial and material side, Hu-han-yeh was rewarded for his participation in the tributary system. The financial part of the tributary system proved to be particularly attractive to the Hsiung-nu.
The Han Chinese were firm believers in the art of physiognomy. It was claimed that Wang Mang was descended from Shun and the Yellow Emperor sovereigns hallowed in Chinese mythology, by way of the dukes of Ch'i of the house of T'ien. Wang Mang's reliable genealogy begins with his great-grandfather, who filled no office and apparently lived as a country gentleman in what is now northern Shantung. Wang Mang's manipulation of the public and the methods later used to support the restoration of the Han dynasty were identical. To gain a correct perspective, one must look at Wang Mang's enactments against the broad vista of Former and Later Han policies. Pan Ku's account of Wang Mang's policies toward non-Chinese peoples within and outside the borders is equally biased and in need of redressing. Population growth in Han China was retarded by a number of factors. Agricultural techniques, hygiene, and medicine were primitive in all parts of the country.
One of the principal legacies that the Han dynasty bequeathed to its successors was the demonstration that imperial sovereignty was a respectable means of government which statesmen could serve with loyalty and with due deference to the ethical ideals on which they had been nurtured. The establishment of the Ch'in empire as the sole effective political authority that could expect to command obedience was an innovation in political practice. One of the earliest contributions to political theory to be written during the Han period is the Hsin-yii of Lu Chia. According to Lu Chia, Ch'in's failure had been due to its excessive application of punishments, its arrogance, and its extravagance. Wang Ch'ung could hardly be expected to agree that Heaven is willing to interfere in the affairs of man to the extent of specifically conferring authority to rule on a particular dynastic house.
The history of Han Confucianism is a history of the development of the variegated cross-currents of Confucian, Legalist, and Taoist thought in Han times. The triumph of Han Confucianism, unlike the triumph of Ch'in Legalism, was accompanied not by an outright suppression of the other schools of thought, but by a subtle promotion of learning and education that coincided with the basic Confucian concerns. The Confucians in the middle of the first century BC probably had good reason to believe that their doctrine had prevailed. The failure of Wang Mang evoked a critical and discriminating spirit in the thinkers of Later Han. Yang Hsiung elevated spiritual intelligence, the power of cognition that implied human intelligence, to be coefficient with the great mystery. The concept of fate or mandate, advanced by Su Ching, Pan Piao, and Pan Ku, was greatly extended by Wang Ch'ung.
This chapter discusses social and economic conditions in China under the Han dynasty when the unified, centralized state that had been achieved by the short-lived Ch'in empire was consolidated into a permanent form which lasted-allowing only for the short break caused by the Hsin dynasty of Wang Mang, for some four centuries. The succeeding Han empire inherited the results of the social, economic, and administrative changes which had taken place over the preceding centuries. The Han founder Liu Pang, Kao-ti, was of peasant origins, having been born and brought up in Chung-yang li of Feng-i in P'ei-hsien. From the point of view of agriculture, the country may be divided into two main regions, north and south China, separated by the eastward-flowing Huai River and in the west by the Ch'in-ling Mountains. During the Han dynasty, agriculture along the Yangtze was greatly inferior in productivity to that of north China.
This chapter describes and analyzes major structural changes in the economy and society, such as the reorganization of agricultural production, the emergence of new forms of local organization, and the continuing evolution of the composition of the upper class in Han period. In the Later Han period, commerce and industry were not subject to as much political interference as they had been in the first century BC and during Wang Mang's reign. The evidence for the continued flourishing of interregional trade through Later Han is largely circumstantial. Land transportation in north China was probably as good during Later Han as it was in any period before modern times. Scholars approaching Han society from a variety of standpoints have perceived a major change in the organization of rural communities. Social stratification underwent gradual change during the Later Han. The Hou-Han shu describes a few cases of extremely prolonged prominence or of extremely fast social rise.
Islam was still a new faith when it was carried across North Africa and down the East African coast. The particular adaptations of Islam in sub-Saharan Africa were typical of the variety of Muslim communities on other frontiers of the Islamic world. Islam had spread along trade routes into the West African rain forest, as in Asante, and in south-western Nigeria it was well established by 1905 in several Yoruba towns. On the eastern fringes of Ethiopia, Islam had long been dominant, and there was another string of Islamic communities along the East African coast, from the Horn to the Portuguese colony of Mozambique. Appeal to jihad against backsliders and infidels was frequently synonymous with reform and expansion in Islamic polities during the nineteenth century in Africa. The four regions in which militant Muslim resistance to colonial rule proved to be the most determined, the Sudan, Somaliland, Libya and Morocco, were Islamic states flourished at the time of European conquest.
This chapter on the peasant movement could usefully be balanced by one devoted to the peasant condition and its evolution. K'ang-tsu (resistance to land rents) is a privileged category among the non-Communist peasant actions recorded in the People's Republic of China, because it best represents the struggle of the exploited against the exploiters. By the early 1940s, the iniquities of conscription and the exactions of the army had become comparable even to taxation as a factor leading to peasant agitation. The spontaneous peasant movements show three main characteristics. The first is the weakness of class consciousness among the peasantry, a weakness illustrated by the comparative rarity and traditional nature of the social movements directed against the wealthy. The second is their parochialism. The third characteristic of peasant agitation, namely its almost invariably defensive nature. The first encounter between professional revolutionaries and villagers was led by the pioneer of the Communist peasant movement, P'eng P'ai, in two counties of eastern Kwangtung.
In 1905 the Maghrib was sharply divided. Although Algeria had been French since its conquest in the 1830s and 1840s, Morocco was still an independent state, and Libya still a province of the Ottoman Empire. By 1914 Morocco had become a second French protectorate, at the price of territorial concessions to Spain in the north and south. By the First World War, land laws for public and private property had enabled the French to appropriate about half of the total area of Algeria north of the Sahara. The bulk of this land belonged to the state or the communes, and consisted of forest and waste. By 1905 the vine was well established, and wheat-growing by the dry-farming methods of North America was beginning. In the decade before the First World War, the French presence led to conflict as much between Tunisians as between Tunisians and French.
This chapter focuses on a few parts of West Africa, where by 1918 English was established as the principal language of government. The British West African possessions were constitutionally rather untidy multiple dependencies, consisting of older coastal settled colonies linked to larger hinterland protectorates. Rebellions in German East Africa and South West Africa, and scandals concerning the cruelty and immorality of officials in Togo and Kamerun, had focused attention on the need for reform. Economic development was often achieved at a considerable cost in African land and labour. The end of the First World War brought a short-lived boom, fed by high prices for West African commodities and the increased availability of shipping. Between 1922 and 1929 the income terms of trade gradually recovered throughout British West Africa, thereby increasing colonial customs revenues. Anglo-Liberian tensions subsided in 1917, when Liberia dutifully followed the United States into war against Germany.
This bibliography presents a list of topics that helps the reader to understand the impact of white rule on African health and welfare. By 1905 most of Africa had been subjected to European rule. Many Africans suffered greatly in the First World War and in the world depression of the 1930s. Some of the topics described in the bibliography include: the imperial mind, aspects of economic history, Christianity, Islam and French Black Africa. The structure and personnel of British government in Africa before 1914 have been vividly portrayed by Gann and Duignan. Government records are of exceptional importance for a period in which governments played so large a part in the cash economy. Recent concern to integrate economic and political history has been specially fruitful in the study of African labour, and has also begun to relate this to agricultural history. Evidence relating to the activity of expatriate Christian missionaries in Africa is extensive, well-preserved and accessible.
This chapter seeks to document and interpret the development of Mao Tse-tung's thought during the first three decades of his active political life. Manifestly, Mao Tse-tung's was able to work effectively in such a formal context because he attached primary importance to national unification and China's struggle to throw off the domination of the imperialists, and accepted that, for the moment, the Kuomintang and its army were the best instrument for achieving this. Mao had already in 1939-40 characterized the regime to be established after the war as a 'joint dictatorship of several revolutionary classes', and had made it fairly clear that this dictatorship was to be under the effective control of the proletariat, or of its ' vanguard', the Chinese Communist Party. Mao sought to promote, in the period from 1939 onwards, a 'new democratic' revolution in China which would be a kind of functional equivalent of the capitalist stage in the development of European society.
Agrarian conditions would change after the First World War when in many regions the rural market systems were disturbed from outside by sharp shifts in supply and demand. In heavily populated areas these changes in supply or demand required reallocation of resources in order to avoid large-scale unemployment and a fall in rural income. Due to the failure of state and local administration to maintain law and order or provide economic assistance, such market readjustments had very high social costs. Before describing these conditions of agrarian crisis it is necessary to outline and clarify the agrarian system of this period. The rapid commercialization of agriculture that occurred from the 1870s to the First World War enabled most villagers to feed more people and support the gradual expansion of a small urban sector. This agrarian system made many adjustments to new market forces without rural unemployment becoming serious, without importing large quantities of food from abroad, and without creating serious inflation.
The success of the Communist Revolution stripped modern Chinese literature of its urban component. Most literary historians agree that the May Thirtieth incident marked a crucial turning point: modern Chinese literature moved, in the memorable phrase of Ch'eng Fang-wu, from ' literary revolution' to ' revolutionary literature'. The leadership of the league of Left-wing Writers consisted nominally of an executive committee of seven standing members: Hsia Yen, Hung Ling-fei, Feng Nai-ch'ao, Ch'ien Hsing-ts'un, T'ien Han, Cheng Po-ch'i and Lu Hsun. The seven-year record of the league was one of continuous debates against all kinds of ' enemies': beginning with Lu Hsun's polemic with the liberal Crescent Moon Society, the league combated successively the conservative proponents of 'nationalist literature', the left-leaning 'third category' writers, and finally some of its own members in the debate on' mass language' and in the famous battle of the ' two slogans' connected with the league's sudden dissolution in 1956.
Ten years after defeating the Italians at Adowa in 1896, the Christian monarchy of Ethiopia was more powerful than it had been at any time since the fifteenth century. The provinces north of the capital, Addis Ababa, had long been Christian, and there Muslims tended to be landless traders. Exemption from all taxes was granted to veterans and other soldiers, governors and their agents, and local Oromo, Walamo and other notables, who had allied with the emperor Menelik and his generals. Until the 1920s, European control in the Horn of Africa was largely confined to a few seaports: Djibouti, Zeila, Berbera, Mogadishu and Brava. The advent of Fascism made a more immediate impact on Italian Somaliland. Of its million or so inhabitants, perhaps one-tenth were cultivators, and these were concentrated near the Benadir coast. Within the frontiers of Italian East Africa, new administrative borders were drawn in order to encourage regional affinities and undermine loyalties to the Ethiopian Empire.
In 1913, Africa as a whole accounted for about 7 per cent and 10 per cent respectively of the external trade of Britain and France. By and large, the overriding concern of the colonial powers was to prevent their colonial possessions becoming financial burdens to the metropolis. In France, a colonial ministry had been created in 1894, but its responsibilities in Africa were confined to West Africa, Equatorial Africa, French Somaliland and Madagascar. The economic depression of the 1930s was a new stimulus to reappraise imperial attitudes to Africa. The trend towards imperial protection in economic policy accelerated the growth of trade between Africa and the metropolitan powers. This was most marked in France: Africa's share of her external trade rose from about one-tenth in the 1920s to over one-fifth by 1935. The involvement of rural Africa in the operations of capitalist enterprise was a major theme of social research in the 1930s.