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This chapter focuses on sensation novels including Mary Elizabeth Braddon’s Lady Audley’s Secret, Wilkie Collins’s The Woman in White, Ellen Wood’s East Lynne, Collins’s Armadale, and Rhoda Broughton’s Cometh Up as a Flower. The chapter argues that novels in this tradition help readers covertly manage their mood. These novels deal, in particular, with the management of socially pathologized emotions, with earlier novels focusing on addiction-induced excitement and later novels focusing on nervousness. After close-reading the novels, the chapter addresses readers who were accused of being addicted to popular literature and readers who have used fiction to interpret pathologized negative emotions in terms that are more flattering.
Viscount Victor Spencer was representative of the British social elites deeply entrenched in business at the beginning of the twentieth century. He was amongst the 41 per cent of CEOs who were peers of the realm. Like most of these peers, he did not have a background in the business world or industry. This chapter details why these aristocratic amateurs initially dominated corporate leadership roles but rapidly declined in number as social and political changes reduced the importance of the aristocracy and the economic environment was transformed by the technological and business innovations of the second industrial revolution. They were replaced by professional managers like Thomas Sutherland of the shipping company P&O, founder CEOs such as Thomas Lipton, and family CEOs such as Archibald Coats of the textile business J & P Coats. These CEOs developed extensive business experience as insiders within their companies, which allowed them to innovate the strategy and structure of their companies. Despite their decline, the gentleman amateurs performed no worse than these players.
Local candidates seeking to personalize their campaigns and build affinity with target voters may highlight particular aspects of their identities within campaign communications. One such aspect they may reference is their class background. For example, campaign materials frequently mention a candidate's occupational or educational background in order to build rapport with the electorate and indicate shared status, interests or values. This article compares the self-presentation of class identity among political candidates in the 2022 Ontario and Québec provincial elections. We code 976 online candidate biographies to assess how class background is referenced and examine the impact of variables such as party affiliation and riding demographics on self-presentation of class status. We further compare campaign biographies with data on candidates’ class backgrounds separately sourced from news reports and social media (LinkedIn). This allows us to determine which elements of class identity candidates choose to highlight, downplay or embellish in their campaign biographies.
Despite the universal social policies of Sweden’s welfare state, recent decades have seen decreasing public benefits and increasing socio-economic disparities, affecting the financial wellbeing of older adults and their younger family members. This repeated cross-sectional study explores the development of intergenerational financial transfers in Sweden over the past two decades, examining transfers involving older parents and their children and grandchildren, and patterns related to gender and social class. It utilises data from the Swedish Panel Study of Living Conditions of the Oldest Old, from 2002 to 2021, along with descriptive statistics and logistic regression models, to study shifts in donor–receiver proportions and gender/social-class disparities. The findings revealed that approximately one in four parents provided financial support to younger generations, while very few received such support. Downward financial transfers increased over time, with growing focus on grandchildren. No significant gender differences in providing were identified; however, women’s contributions increased in frequency and amount, compared to previous cohorts of women. Men’s contributions remained relatively stable over time. Parents in higher social classes were more inclined to provide financial support than parents in lower classes; this difference grew over time. Additionally, parents in higher social classes more frequently provided higher amounts than their counterparts. In conclusion, this study underscores changing gender and social-class patterns in financial contributions made by parents to their children and grandchildren in contemporary Sweden. Understanding these levels and subgroup differences is crucial for shaping policies and mitigating the potential growth of socio-economic inequality in future generations.
This autobiographical fragment begins in a working-class high school and traces a career trajectory shaped by the world I grew up in and the world I entered. As a White woman from an American working-class background, I was an uneasy fit for the academy, circa 1979. I experienced obstacles and intellectual pleasures. I found many fascinating topics to study (e.g., class and cultural variation in early narrative) and many fascinating colleagues and students to work with. The outsider/insider position I occupied offered novel vantage points on the what, who, and how of developmental inquiry and on its telling omissions. My story of marginalization intersected with a historical moment when developmental psychology began to reckon with its narrowness and ethnocentrism. Thanks to the efforts of many developmental scholars, the field is now headed in a more context-sensitive and pluralistic direction while still contending with entrenched deficit discourses and other blind spots.
Class and social structure within early seventeenth-century Saxon units, including the Mansfeld Regiment, seems to have been different from later armies in several important respects. Although commoners were less well-represented in more honorable or prestigious roles, the army could be a source of social mobility. Some men served in the Saxon army for multiple years, and some families for multiple decades. Soldiers probably picked up military experience through long immersion in the military way of life rather than formal drilling. Within this context, social distance between ranks seems to have been less pronounced in early seventeenth-century armies than in later armies or contemporary civilian life. The close social and physical proximity between officers and men led to fights.
The final chapter of this book teases out the empirical and theoretical threads of respectability politics in the French Muslim context. It stresses the ways in which this form of politics operates as a reactive, embodied, gendered, racialized, and class-layered tactic of community advancement, resulting in both conservative and emancipatory outcomes for minority citizens. It further reflects on the relative failure of respectability politics, which falls short of its promise to French Muslims to fully exercise their citizenship. This argument goes beyond the French case; although the problematic relationship between religion and citizenship is often deemed “typically French,” respectability politics seems to be pervasive in Muslim-minority contexts and accompanies the reconfiguration of Islamic traditions into ethical projects of self-fashioning. The chapter concludes with a discussion on the importance of breaking away from the insularity of Islamic scholarship and opening up a transatlantic conversation about the role of ethics and religion in minority politics. The ambition of this chapter, then, is to look beyond the Muslim case and draw parallels with other minority citizens, such as Black elites in the US and European Jews. It examines how these groups have resorted to inconspicuous religiosity and social upliftment to advance their conditions, as well as how such stories reflect the intricate workings of power in situations of subjection.
En este artículo, estudiamos qué factores individuales y contextuales explican la confianza en los sindicatos latinoamericanos. Utilizando datos de Latinobarómetro (2018–2020), mostramos que la confianza en los sindicatos es mayor entre personas de clase trabajadora y clase media asalariada, así como entre quienes se identifican con la izquierda y confían más en las instituciones políticas. A nivel contextual, la confianza es mayor en países neo-desarrollistas (por ejemplo, Brasil y Uruguay) y menor en países capitalistas tercerizados (por ejemplo, México y países centroamericanos). Contrario a nuestra hipótesis, también encontramos que la confianza en los sindicatos es alta en Chile (un país liberal-rentista con sindicatos débiles) y baja en algunos países redistributivo-rentistas (Venezuela) y neo-desarrollistas (Argentina). Para explicar estos resultados, analizamos cómo la confianza en los sindicatos depende de aspectos contextuales como la informalidad laboral, el desempleo, la inflación, el poder de los partidos de izquierda y el nivel de movilización social.
This article discusses reproductionist perspectives that assume there is little local participatory institutions can do to address the underrepresentation and the domination of some social groups. While there is also empirical basis to be skeptical, the evidence suggests that, occasionally, the reproduction of class inequalities can be counteracted. This encourages us to consider the conditions that favor greater participation of working-class, economically and culturally disadvantaged people. Comparing evidence from various studies in a range of countries, the article argues that certain contextual factors and inclusion tools produce higher rates of mobilization and more egalitarian deliberations. Specifically, the article focuses on the effects of three conditions: a) special mobilization efforts; b) design choices and inclusion tools; and c) the broadening of the political subject through cultural mobilization. As well as reflecting on the shortcomings of these factors, a new research agenda for social equality in participation is also proposed.
In the last few years, legitimacy has proven to be a fundamental power resource for the business class. Building on the idea of “discursive power,” investigations have demonstrated that when the business class successfully shapes public discourses and public opinion, its power increases. With this article, we contribute to this research by showing that businesses’ success in building discursive power, as expressed in individual trust in private companies, is limited by individual- and macro-level factors associated with class inequality, class politics, and power. Using data from 15 Latin American countries (2005–2015), we show that in the period studied, the propensity to trust private companies was significantly lower among those in underprivileged class positions (e.g., working-class people or the informal self-employed) and among those who identify with the political left and have less confidence in political institutions. At the macro level, trust in companies was lower in countries ruled by the left or in countries where inequality rose or where citizens’ trust in political institutions improved. At the end of this article, we identify three patterns of business legitimacy in Latin America and show how our results contribute to the recent research on trust, class, and power.
This chapter, written by a founder of the field and a historian with a long-term interest in DOHaD, examines the key (long) decade in the history of DOHaD, bookended by two conferences: one in 1989 and the other in 2003. At the 1989 workshop, David Barker presented his retrospective epidemiological research to an audience of fetal physiologists and clinicians. Discussions about the plausibility and underlying mechanisms of Barker’s findings fostered new research collaborations, methodologies, and projects, which over the next decade produced a new field. By 2003, DOHaD had grown sufficiently in both numbers and ambitions to host a major global conference. This chapter argues that to understand the objectives, methods, research questions, and intellectual networks making the field of DOHaD, the reactions that it provoked, and how it responded to them, we must understand the historical and geographical context in which it was created, first in Europe, especially the United Kingdom, and then globally. Here we identify and explain three key drivers that shaped the field: interdisciplinarity, the history of social class and attempts to address health inequalities in the United Kingdom, and the globalisation of the 1990s informing the intellectual underpinnings of the global health agenda.
This chapter focuses on social individual differences in relation to second language learning. It explores how the social, cultural, and political context that a learner is situated in affects their success of second language learning. The chapter begins by explaining how society and social interaction that second language learners encounter influence the access they have to second language education. This includes the differences between foreign vs. second language learning contexts. It then focuses on social identity theory, acculturation theory relevant to immigrant learners, and transdisciplinary framework (by Douglas Fir Group). The chapter covers other socially constructed individual differences related to intersectionality, diversity–equity–inclusion (DEI), and heritage language learning. The chapter also addresses socially constructed biases related to race and ethnicity, social class, sexual orientation, and LGBTQ+. The chapter ends with a series of pedagogical recommendations that mitigate the impacts of socially constructed biases on second language learning in the classroom.
Little work has focused on the college enrollment process of students from immigrant families. Research suggests the intersection of social class and nativity is salient for understanding the college enrollment process. This study draws on data from the Education Longitudinal Study of 2002 to examine (1) the extent to which stages of the college enrollment process systematically vary by parental nativity and education and (2) the extent to which each stage of the college enrollment process contributes to differences in postsecondary outcomes. Findings show that students with <BA parents receive less consistent messaging about the importance of college compared to students with BA+ US-born parents. Moreover, students with <BA parents and students with BA+ immigrant parents are less likely to rely on their parents for college information and are less likely to complete important college enrollment steps. Differences in the college enrollment process account for some of the differences in immediate postsecondary outcomes. Findings have implications for research on immigrant-origin and first-generation college students as well as for institutional college readiness strategies.
College access does not begin or end with an acceptance letter; it continues throughout students’ college experiences, especially for first-generation, working-class Latinx students who are experiencing many college milestones for the first time. It is predicted by scholars that the rapid growth of the Latinx population will make them a large college applicant pool in the near future. These predictions show that retention efforts for Latinx students are an important investment for institutions of higher education. However, support for Latinx first-generation, working-class college students is often lacking at universities. In this conceptual chapter, we center on first-generation, working-class Latinx students of immigrant origin and the identity intersections experienced by individual students to equip administrators, academic advisors, and university data analysts with the knowledge to improve Latinx student success efforts through an overview of (1) academic advising, (2) data analytics, (3) social class, and (4) theories and frameworks related to the identity intersections of Latinx students.
Are workers effective lawmakers? Throughout American history, some politicians and elites have argued that white-collar Americans are more qualified than working-class Americans to govern. To date, however, we know relatively little about the legislative effectiveness of working-class lawmakers. I develop a theory of class-based electoral selection that links class-based discrimination in elections to legislators’ performance in office. I argue that working-class candidates face class-based biases in elections that make it more difficult to emerge and successfully win elective office. As a result, I expect the working-class candidates who do become lawmakers to be equally or more effective than their white-collar colleagues. To test these expectations, I create a data set merging the occupational background of more than 14,000 individual state legislators with their state legislative effectiveness score (SLES). The resulting data set includes more than 50,000 state legislator-term specific observations. Consistent with my expectations, I find that working-class lawmakers do not underperform white-collar lawmakers. Further, I provide evidence that, across various models and specifications, the gap between working-class and white-collar legislators’ effectiveness is negligible.
Class has been crucial both to how individuals have experienced their desires and to how those desires have been interpreted, categorized, and articulated. This chapter offers an overview of the intersectional relationship between class and sexuality and demonstrates that the nuances of class difference and division, across continents and within regions of the same country, could drastically alter the lived experience of sexual desire. Class influenced notions of private and public spaces and the impact these had on sexual activity. Class differences mixed with racial differences also determined ideas of sexual respectability or sexual danger, both on an individual level with the erotic appeal of class differences and on a group level in eugenics. Class divisions have also been significant in shaping how the history of sexuality has been written, since it has shaped the nature of archival sources. The example of English author Edward Carpenter (1844-1929) demonstrates these themes.
This Element investigates entrenched inequality in Latin America through a unique case of class integration in Colombian higher education. Examining a forgivable loan program benefiting 40,000 high-achieving individuals from disadvantaged backgrounds, the Element introduces 'gate opening' and 'diversified networks' as mechanisms countering traditional inequality reproduction. Utilizing a longitudinal, ethnographic approach, it explores the evolving process of social mobility within an elite school, emphasizing subjective experiences and challenges. Despite educational gaps and stark social differences, most students formed cross-class friendships, completed their education, and achieved higher socioeconomic positions. Yet, in so doing they had to face several costs of social mobility resourcing to strategies such as camouflaging or disclosing, sometimes becoming culturally omnivourous in the end. The significance of a prestigious degree varies based on the professional labor market, with first-generation students facing more challenges in low quality or elitist markets where cultural and social capital act as entry barriers.
A defence of traditional approaches to the Structure-Agency Problem with agents being reduced from those actively shaping their society to being passively shaped by the social order. Their possession of personal causal powers is unconvincingly downplayed.
This is the main methodology and first-results chapter. It opens with an introduction to the lexeme-based approach used for the investigation, contrasting this to previous, variationist approaches. The chapter proceeds to explain the data retrieval and screening processes and presents an overview of the data, the nearly 65,000 intensifier tokens found in the corpus, across the three main categories (maximizers, boosters, downtoners), and the descriptive results across time for the most frequent items. The word counts of the different sociopragmatic groups of speakers (divided by speakers’ role in the courtroom, gender and social class) are introduced, as well as the diachronic distribution of intensifiers across the genders and social classes. Results are presented within the descriptive statistics framework, but the chapter also briefly introduces the regression model, or the inferential, multivariate statistical method to be used in Chapters 8–11 to disentangle the complex interplay of the sociopragmatic variables of speakers on the use of intensifiers.
The chapter deals with the influence of gender and social class on intensifier usage in the Old Bailey Corpus (1720–1913), based on an overview of both modern sociolinguistic research and an overview of gender and class in Late Modern London. Gender is statistically a more important predictor than class for intensifiers as a whole and for boosters in particular. Similar to modern findings, a male preference for downtoners, maximizers, and generally more formal types is found here. Female speakers exhibit a booster preference also both today and in the Old Bailey data, but they show a generally less varied inventory of intensifiers in the past. Late modern higher-class speakers, who belong to the more educated segments of society, use more maximizers and more downtoners (excluding a little), which mirrors modern tendencies. They also prefer more formal, borrowed items and they use a greater diversity of types.