In this chapter, we outline how foreign aid and migration management practices impact governance. To do so, we set out to define a new category of aid – migration management aid – and estimate its size, distribution, and impact. We begin by taking a global picture – examining the trends, challenges, and opportunities that migration management aid presents in the twenty-first century – and then narrow our analysis to the EUTF and recipient countries in Africa. We identify three pathways for how migration management aid impacts authoritarianism and repression and explain how we explore these pathways through four case studies: Kenya, Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan. Finally, we preview the lessons that can be learned if policymakers continue to intertwine aid and migration management.

The introduction presents the book's core puzzle of why states promote the outward investments of national firms despite the political and distributional costs of doing so. It previews a theory of globalized state-led development whereby policy-makers promote the internationalization of domestic business to pursue the structural transformation of their home economies. The chapter also describes the book's research strategy of within-country and cross-national comparisons of globalized state-led development in Brazil and China.

This chapter looks at the governance of information in the last two decades of the twentieth century, when the ambition of the New World Information and Communication Order was superseded by the sweeping wave of liberalization. Free trade became a prominent frame with which to conceptualize information and build institution for its governance. This chapter discusses institutional and conceptual changes during this period. Institutionally, privatization of telecommunication – especially in dominant countries like the United States – affected the organizational structure of international telecommunication organizations. Particularly, the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) and the International Telecommunications Satellite Organization underwent considerable reforms to ensure an international institutional environment for the privatization of telecommunication. Conceptually, telecommunication was no longer perceived as a public utility; it had become an issue of trade in services, eventually brought to the world trade regime. As a result, the World Trade Organization, with which the ITU formed a complementary relationship, became a primary forum for the regulation of telecommunication.

Chapter 9 concludes the book by further probing the theory’s generalizability, mechanisms, and implications. It starts with the theory’s applicability to the illustrative case studies of India and Mexico. It next hones in on the ideational mechanisms – learning and experimentation – that account for how a developmentalist legacy is updated and discusses other potential mechanisms, including emulation and competition. It lastly assesses three implications of the book’s theory. The first is whether state support for nationally controlled MNCs can continue to be an effective strategy under the current wave of backlash to globalization in advanced economies. The second is whether states that lack a developmentalist legacy can support the internationalization of national firms at a more limited scale. The third is whether the internationalization of national firms is compatible with more expansive definitions of development that go beyond structural transformation.

You may have thought that as an early childhood education and care (ECEC) provider, your unifying focus will be centred around on the children in your setting. Supporting children’s learning and wellbeing may indeed be the priority, but this cannot be achieved without the positive involvement of children’s family members. Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems model describes the layered systems of support that children can be influenced by, acknowledging that no individual child exists in a vacuum (See chapters 1 and 2 for further details). The resources and wellbeing of the family as a whole will have an impact on children’s development, behaviour and engagement in ECEC settings, as well as at home and other community settings.

The early years of a child’s life represent a critical period of development where identities form, relationships flourish and foundations for lifelong learning are established. Within this formative landscape, inclusion emerges not only as an educational approach but as a fundamental human right and ethical imperative. In Australian early childhood contexts, inclusive practice exists at the intersection of policy, pedagogy and personal commitment. This chapter establishes the conceptual underpinnings of inclusion and inclusive practice and invites the reader to consider inclusion not as an additional responsibility, but as the very essence of quality early childhood education and care. By creating environments where every child experiences belonging, participation and growth, we honour each individual child, while also laying the groundwork for a more equitable society.

Chapter 2 presents a theory of globalized state-led development that helps us understand the conditions under which this model is adopted and implemented. It begins with the developmentalist dilemma faced by states: how can they help national firms benefit from global markets while managing the domestic political tensions these interventions provoke? This tension has important points of comparison with the challenges faced by the East Asian developmental states, yet has become more acute. Globalization and democracy have deepened the developmentalist dilemma by increasing the relevance of international production and innovation networks, constraining policy space, and heightening political contestation. A theory of globalized state-led development explains the conditions under which governments navigate these competing pressures by supporting national firms at home and abroad.

Among some Indigenous peoples, the Seventh Generation philosophy refers to the idea that our present actions affect future generations of the earth and its inhabitants. Accordingly, it is important to move through the world with the next seven generations in mind. As Indigenous scholars, we consider the implications that Seventh Generation “thinking” has for the future of developmental science. Specifically, we imagine the potential that an Indigenous strengths-based approach to developmental science has for promoting the healing, growth, and flourishing of Indigenous futures. Towards this end, we describe what an Indigenous strengths-based developmental science may entail, which we adapted from recent research conceptualizing an Indigenous strengths-based approach in health and wellness research. Overall, an Indigenous strengths-based approach to developmental science withstands coloniality, honors relationships, transforms Indigenous futures, promotes intergenerational healing, incorporates original instructions, and centers Indigenous cultures.

Mboya’s assassination in July 1969 remains one of the most traumatic and controversial episodes in Kenya’s post-colonial history. This chapter sets his death in its political context. It first shows how the returns on his network-building were diminishing, both for Kenya generally in terms of foreign investment and personally as Kenyans reacted against his close ties to the United States. Nevertheless, Mboya remained committed to working globally, seeking to influence international debates about development at the United Nations, the Economic Commission for Africa and in other settings around the world. At home, he was still determined to extract political advantage from the funding his international network continued to provide. Although Odinga was marginalised by 1969, Mboya’s reliance on external funds now set him at odds with Daniel arap Moi, the vice president and Mboya’s great rival to succeed Kenyatta. The two men were battling to win influence within KANU ahead of a general election due in 1969, the outcome of which would likely determine any process to appoint a new president in the event of Kenyatta’s death. It was in this context that Mboya was assassinated.

Further developing the theme of competition between Mboya, Odinga and their respective international networks and domestic power bases, this chapter explores the impact of the cultural Cold War on the politics of newly independent Kenya. Although mainly focused on the organisations and activities supported by Mboya’s network, most notably the East African Institute of Social and Cultural Affairs, it also discusses rival efforts by Odinga to use the press, publishing and training to strengthen his own position within Kenya’s fractious post-colonial politics. The chapter details the extent to which Mboya’s activities received funding through CIA front organisations. The chapter is particularly concerned with the ways in which Kenya’s debates about development, which were the source of the disputes between the KANU government and Odinga’s new opposition party, were shaped by the publications and organisations aligned to Mboya. As public awareness of the origins of Mboya’s funding grew from 1967, the chapter concludes with an examination of the increasing criticism made of him from both the left and right in Kenyan politics and the enforced closure of the EAISCA.

Sustainable development is a key concept in international politics that in a remarkably short period of time has also become firmly established in international law. Various multilateral conferences have been instrumental in this process – most notably, the 1972 Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment and the 1992 Rio Conference on Environment and Development. While the 1972 Stockholm Declaration did not yet employ the very term of sustainable development, the idea of balancing environmental conservation and human development served no doubt as a central theme at the conference and in its outcome documents. In 1987, the Brundtland Commission introduced sustainable development as the key concept for this balancing act into world politics. Subsequently, sustainable development became anchored in various sources of international law, particularly normative UN resolutions, treaties, and judicial decisions, even to such an extent that the contours of an overarching international sustainable development law can be identified. However, its cradle remains in Stockholm in 1972.

The book is motivated by the question of analysing how Rwanda’s development trajectory can contribute to our understanding of why structural transformation remains so elusive. This chapter introduces the central contributions of the book. First, the book employs structuralist political settlements analysis to highlight how contemporary late development is contested transnationally, prompting the need for analysis across different scales. Second, the book describes how African growth has been largely driven by the services sector and Rwanda is emblematic of contemporary African growth experiences, especially since, like elsewhere on the continent, structural transformation has remained elusive. Third, the book contributes to existing literature on Rwanda by highlighting that the Rwandan Patriotic Front prioritised services-based strategies partly to reduce its reliance on domestic businesspeople because of the elite vulnerability that has characterised its rule. This strategy has yielded growth and export diversification without achieving structural transformation because elite vulnerability has inhibited effective state–business relations. The introduction also includes a discussion of the methodology employed in the book and the structure of the chapters that follow.