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Until the end of the first millennium, there was little or no Jewish settlement in northern Europe, which was a backward hinterland to southern Europe. As northern Europe embarked on a process of remarkable vitalization, it became attractive to new Jewish settlers; these new Jewish settlers won the support of the ruling authorities anxious to expand the urban population of their realms and to augment their tax revenues. These new Jewish settlers encountered potent obstacles in the populace, which saw them as newcomers, as religious dissidents, and as the descendants of Jesus’ primary enemies and persecutors.
As the principalities of northern Europe progressed during the twelfth century, Jews gravitated to moneylending as their most prominent economic activity, which further exacerbated popular antipathy. Church leaders began to exert pressures aimed at limiting Jewish usury, with considerable success, and the political authorities intensified their exploitation of Jewish resources. Despite these weighty problems, the Jewish population of northwestern Europe continued to expand, and these Jews created effective Jewish communal agencies and a vibrant new Jewish culture. By the late thirteenth century, the concatenation of negative forces—a hostile populace, the Church demands for limitations on Jewish life, and governmental exploitation of Jewish financial resources—led to a series of expulsions that removed Jews entirely from northwestern Europe and shifted the center of northern-European Jewish life eastward.
In a sparkling little book with the engaging title Big Structures, Large Processes, Huge Comparisons, social historian Charles Tilly reminded colleagues in the mid-1980s of an awkward situation that is still with us. He pointed out that despite many heroic efforts, scholars have still not sorted out what it was that made western Europe the site of changes that, from about 1500, ushered in the modern era – changes that are still making themselves felt around the globe. As one commentator lately inquired, “Why did a relatively small and backward periphery on the western fringes of the Eurasian continent burst out into the world in the sixteenth century and by the nineteenth century become a dominant force in almost all corners of the earth?” While the role of western Europeans in giving birth to the first “models of modernity” has been variously portrayed, not to mention regularly decried, it is impossible to dismiss compelling evidence that it was events set in motion within that region that are continuing to transform the world – for good, arguably, as well as for ill. Yet there is still no consensus as to why that was so.
Fernand Braudel, distinguished interpreter of that change as well as an ardent proponent of the vanguard role of western Europe, puts the point boldly in his famous multivolume endeavor to explain just how the contemporary capitalist world took shape in the years from 1500 to 1800.
Bog bodies are usually considered a northwest European phenomenon reflecting specific forms of sacrifice or punishment common among the Germanic peoples around the time of the birth of Christ, but recent discoveries and information about old obscure finds from Holland and the British Isles indicate that similar practices were observed there. Dieck (1965) noted that there were more than 1400 reported bog finds worldwide, a large percentage of them only body parts, varying in date from 9000 BC to World War II, but his data are now considered unreliable. A recent, thorough study has an estimate of 122 bodies that can be accounted for (van der Sanden 1996). Apart from giving possible explanations of the legal and religious structures of society, bog bodies offer a unique chance of getting to know Iron Age Man, his life conditions, illnesses, fashions in dress and hair styles, and the awareness that Iron Age Man, had he been dressed in modern clothes, would look no different than we do today.
The occurrence of bog bodies is widespread geographically and chronologically (Lund 1976). Most of the Danish finds that have been dated by scientific methods (Tauber 1956, 1979) or by accompanying objects are, with very few exceptions, from 500 BC until the birth of Christ, a period that in Danish archaeological terminology is referred to as the pre-Roman Iron Age.
The global environment: Europe, the Islamic world, and China
Modern economic development – the rise of industrial capitalism – was a European phenomenon, but it was not coded in the “genes” of Europe. In the previous millennium, Europe was not the center of the world. In productive agriculture, science, and international trade, the Islamic world and China were actually ahead of Europe. The Islamic world, however, began to decline between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and it reached the stage of ultimate decline at the turn of the eighteenth century. Three “gunpowder empires” – the Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal empires – emerged from the mid-sixteenth century on, and they ruled the vast region from India to North Africa and the Balkans. After their early “golden ages,” these empires became agricultural military-patronage states that no longer availed themselves of markets and declined as prominent mercantile states.
Recent studies have rejected the traditional view on Asian stagnation and argued that there were basic similarities with Europe until 1800. Bin R. Wong maintains that “China and Europe shared important similarities of preindustrial economic expansion based on Smithian dynamics” (Wong, 1998, 278). Kenneth Pomeranz's highly debated work, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (2000), states that genuine differences between the Eurasian West and East were not significant. The Chinese Lower Yangzi Delta could potentially have generated a development trend of modern industrialization similar to that in Europe. Agriculture was more developed, and more labor- and land-intensive than it was in Northwestern Europe. Transportation was compatible because of coastal shipping and the efficient inland canal and waterway system. In addition to intensive rice and cash crop cultivation, proto-industry was advanced and widespread, especially the cotton, silk, pottery, and tobacco industries. China had less restricted trade and a stronger market economy than did the more mercantilist Europe before the British Industrial Revolution. China and Europe thus exhibited surprising similarities between 1500 and 1800. At the turn of the nineteenth century, however, Asia encountered ecological limitations, such as deforestation, and declining marginal labor productivity. China was unable to compete with Britain's advantage of “coal and colonies.” At that point Asian and European development decisively diverted from each other.
Shell aragonite δ180 values of unionid freshwater mussels are applied as a proxy for past river discharges in the rivers Rhine and Meuse, using a set of nine shells from selected climatic intervals during the late Holocene. A single Meuse shell derives from the Subboreal and its δ180 values are similar to modern values. The Rhine specimens represent the Subboreal, the Roman Warm Period and the Medieval Warm Period (MWP). These shells also show averages and ranges of aragonite δ180 values similar to modern specimens. This indicates that environmental conditions such as Rhine river dynamics, Alpine meltwater input and drought severity during these intervals were similar to the 20th century. These shells do not record subtle centennial to millennial climatic variation due to their relatively short lifespan and the large inter-annual and intra-seasonal variation in environmental conditions. However, they are very suitable for studying seasonal to decadal scale climate variability. The two shells with the longest lifespan appear to show decadal scale variability in reconstructed water δ180 values during the MWP, possibly forced by the North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO), which is the dominant mode of variability influencing precipitation regimes over Europe.
This article studies the financial market integration in the 1670s by examining the effectiveness of triangular exchange arbitrage. The results suggest that international credit markets based on bills of exchange in northwestern Europe were well integrated and responded to exchange-rate differences quickly. The speed of adjustment, ranging between one and three weeks, accorded with the speed of communication, but the transaction cost associated with exchange arbitrage was much lower than that of shipping bullion. Although warfare had a disruptive effect on exchange arbitrage by increasing transaction cost, markets were resilient in remaining efficient.
We measured the 14C content of atmospheric methane at a 200-m-high sampling station in The Netherlands. Combined with trajectories and a transport model, it is possible to estimate the 14CH4 emissions from nuclear power plants in northwestern Europe. We demonstrate here two different methods of analyzing the data: forward modeling and an inverse method. Our data suggest that the emissions from pressurized water reactors are 260 ± 50 GBq per GW installed power per year, ca. 1.6 ± 0.4 times higher than generally assumed. We also find that, in addition to the known nuclear sources of 14CH4 (pressurized and boiling water reactors), there are two very strong sources of 14CH4 (520 ± 200 and 1850 ± 450 GBq yr−1, respectively), probably two test reactors near the sampling station.
This important study of episcopal office and clerical identity in a socially and culturally dynamic region of medieval Europe examines the construction and representation of episcopal power and authority in the archdiocese of Reims during the sometimes turbulent century between 1050 and 1150. Drawing on a wide range of diplomatic, hagiographical, epistolary and other narrative sources, John S. Ott considers how bishops conceived of, and projected, their authority collectively and individually. In examining episcopal professional identities and notions of office, he explores how prelates used textual production and their physical landscapes to craft historical narratives and consolidate local and regional memories around ideals that established themselves as not only religious authorities but also cultural arbiters. This study reveals that, far from being reactive and hostile to cultural and religious change, bishops regularly grappled with and sought to affect, positively and to their advantage, new and emerging cultural and religious norms.
Despite the voluminous literature on the ‘normalisation of protest’, the protest arena is seen as a bastion of left‐wing mobilisation. While citizens on the left readily turn to the streets, citizens on the right only settle for it as a ‘second best option’. However, most studies are based on aggregated cross‐national comparisons or only include Northwestern Europe. We contend the aggregate‐level perspective hides different dynamics of protest across Europe. Based on individual‐level data from the European Social Survey (2002–2016), we investigate the relationship between ideology and protest as a key component of the normalisation of protest. Using hierarchical logistic regression models, we show that while protest is becoming more common, citizens with different ideological views are not equal in their protest participation across the three European regions. Instead of a general left predominance, we find that in Eastern European countries, right‐wing citizens are more likely to protest than those on the left. In Northwestern and Southern European countries, we find the reverse relationship, left‐wing citizens are more likely to protest than their right‐wing counterparts. Lessons drawn from the protest experience in Northwestern Europe characterised by historical mobilisation by the New Left are of limited use for explaining the ideological composition of protest in the Southern and Eastern European countries. We identify historical and contemporary regime access as the mechanism underlying regional patterns: citizens with ideological views that were historically in opposition are more likely to protest. In terms of contemporary regime access, we find that partisanship enhances the effect of ideology, while ideological distance from the government has a different effect in the three regions. As protest gains in importance as a form of participation, the paper contributes to our understanding of regional divergence in the extent to which citizens with varying ideological views use this tool.
The terms Eem and Eemian have been applied to lithostratigraphic, chronostratigraphic, and biostratigraphic aspects of the last interglacial in western Europe. Eemian vegetational successions show strong uniformity at sites from western France across the North European Plain to Poland, suggesting, by comparison with the Holocene, that major pollen zones are broadly synchronous. South of the Alps and Pyrenees, a different vegetational succession is observed with no evidence for a substage of post-temperate cooling.
Thermoluminescence (TL) age estimates have been obtained on coarse-grained detrital feldspar from Eemian beach sand (substage 5e), early Weichselian dune sands (substages 5d and 5b), and pre-Eemian beach sand. The past radiation dose is obtained using the additive dose method. Even for the oldest samples, which date to 300,000 yr B.P. by other methods, the TL signal is not in saturation and can be doubled by the addition of laboratory radiation doses without saturation being achieved. This is contrasted with the behavior of polymineral, silt-sized grains from loess in the adjacent area. The TL age estimates are systematically underestimated by about 40% when compared with the expected geological ages. However, they are in correct stratigraphic order and demonstrate that stage 5 beach deposits can be distinguished from those resulting from earlier high sea levels using TL signals from potassium feldspars.
In the course of the late Middle Ages and early modern period, in Western Europe, ways of transferring and redistributing land outside the market were replaced by market transactions. This, however, was by no means a general and unilinear process, but one that displays strong regional differences and temporal discontinuities. This article aims to gain more insight in the factors underlying these differences, by reconstructing and analysing the institutional organization of exchange in land and lease markets. The analysis, undertaken for northwestern Europe and Italy, points to the socio-political context as a main determinant of this organization.
Large changes in landscape, vegetation, and culture in northwestern (NW) Europe during the first millennium AD seem concurrent with climatic shifts. Understanding of this relation requires high-resolution palaeoclimate reconstructions. Therefore, we compiled available climate reconstructions from sites across NW Europe (extent research area: 10°W–20°E, 45°–60°N) through review of literature and the underlying data, to identify supraregional climatic changes in this region. All reconstructions cover the period from AD 1 to 1000 and have a temporal resolution of ≤50 yr. This resulted in 22 climate reconstructions/proxy records based on different palaeoclimate archives: chironomids (1), pollen (6), Sphagnum mosses (1), stalagmites (8), testate amoebae (4), and tree rings (2). Comparing all temperature reconstructions, we conclude that summer temperatures between AD 1 and 250 were relatively high, and the period between AD 250 and 700 was characterised by colder summer conditions. The period from AD 700 to 1000 was again characterised by warmer summers. These temperature shifts occurred in the whole of NW Europe. In contrast, the compilation of precipitation reconstructions does not show a common pattern across NW Europe either as a result of a heterogeneous precipitation pattern or the lack of suitable and consistent precipitation proxies.
A new series of radiocarbon measurements on three sewn-plank boats from North Ferriby, Yorkshire, has provided consistent new dating for these craft, which suggests that the appearance of such boats may fall in the early Bronze Age.
Coastal sea-surface temperature (SST) and sea-surface salinity (SSS), including seasonality, in northwest (NW) Europe during the early phase of the Eemian interglacial ca. 125 ka ago were reconstructed from Littorina littorea (common periwinkle) gastropods. The results were based on intra-annual δ18O analyses in recent and fossil shells, mainly originating from the sea of Kattegat (Sweden) and the English Channel (United Kingdom), and confined to intertidal settings. The Eemian L. littorea shells indicated annual SSTs in the range 8–18°C for the English Channel and 8–26°C for Kattegat. All specimens from the Eemian sites experienced summer SSTs of ca. 1–3°C above recent conditions. The estimated winter SST in the English Channel during the Eemian was comparable to modern measurements of ca. 8°C. However, the Kattegat region displayed Eemian winter SST approximately 8°C warmer than today, and similar to conditions in the western English Channel. The recent-fossil isotope analogue approach indicated high SSS above 35 practical salinity units (psu) for a channel south of England in full contact with the North Atlantic Ocean during the last interglacial. In addition, the Kattegat shells indicated a SSS of ca. 29 psu, which points out a North Sea affinity for this region during the Eemian.
We estimated minimum mean July temperatures in northwestern and central Europe during the Younger Dryas (10,950–10,15014C yr B.P.) from distributions of climate indicator plant species, which were reconstructed from 140 pollen and plant macrofossil diagrams. Paleobotanical records, mainly from the central and eastern part of the study area, show that the coldest conditions occurred early in the Younger Dryas (before ∼10,55014C yr B.P.). For this phase, mean July temperatures at sea level of around 10°C are suggested for the northern part of the British Isles and for ice-free Scandinavia. We estimated a mean July temperature of 12°C for central England, The Netherlands, and northern Germany. The 13°C mean July isotherm—largely based on the modern distribution ofTypha latifolia—was most probably located in southern England, Belgium, central Germany, and Poland. The reappearance of thermophilous elements in the records after ∼10,55014C yr B.P. suggests a summer warming, at least temporarily, of 1° to 2°C in the study area. The reconstructed temperatures are comparable with temperature estimates based on beetle data. However, they appear rather high when compared with estimates based on glaciological evidence.