Cosmopolitans who take principles of distributive justice to apply globally have long struggled with the legacy of Rawls. Some parts of Rawls’s view seem to support cosmopolitanism although he rejects this position himself. Samuel Scheffler and Miriam Ronzoni have each identified resources in Rawls’s work that open the door to cosmopolitan conclusions but differ from those traditionally cited by cosmopolitans. Scheffler and Ronzoni argue that changing social circumstances, like those involved in globalization, may affect the scope of principles of distributive justice. But they also both take it to be an open question whether such principles have global reach presently. I argue that this reticence is not justified. Their arguments suggest that principles of distributive justice have long applied globally. Indeed, the view so strongly favors cosmopolitanism that further argument is needed to secure any room for unique domestic principles of distributive justice. I follow Rawls’s lead and draw on Kant to indicate how such an argument might go. Finally, I argue that although the scope of principles of distributive justice is less historically contingent than Scheffler and Ronzoni suggest, there is still considerable room in this view for the evolution of institutions to shape the content of such principles.

The importance of healthy eating in early years settings for the prevention of childhood obesity and dental decay is well recognised(1). Public Health England commissioned the development of example menus to guarantee alignment to current government dietary recommendations, including the reduction of free sugar intake(2). The aim of this study was to evaluate the impact of substituting the desserts in these example menus by apple, on free sugars and other nutrients and energy.

The 3-week Spring/Summer menu was analysed; quantities of ingredients for one daily serving for a child aged one to four years, for each recipe, were entered into the nutritional analysis software Nutritics (v5.096, Dublin, Nutritics, 2019). Imputed recipes were divided into two menu sets: Dessert-menu (existing examples) and Apple-menu (existing examples with dessert substituted by 40g of unprocessed apple, recommended portion size for this age). Macronutrients, calcium, vitamins C, D, and A, sodium, free sugar, iron, zinc, fibre, and energy intake were calculated for a full day, morning (morning snack and lunch) and afternoon (afternoon snack and tea) sessions. Averages of energy and nutrients for each session were compared against the recommended energy and nutrients via one-sample T- Test (SPSS, v28, p<0.05 considered significant).

Compared to dietary recommendations, free sugar was significantly lower (p<0.001) for the full day (-10.2g), morning session (-6.3g) and afternoon session (-4.5g) for Apple-menu, but was not significantly different for Dessert-menu, for the same sessions. Carbohydrates were significantly lower for the Apple-menu full day (-16.3g, p=0.002) and afternoon session (-8.5g, p=0.011) but not for Dessert-menu, for the same sessions. Moreover, for Apple-menu, energy intake was significantly lower for the full day (-125.9Kcal, p<0.001), along with calcium for the morning session (-52.5mg, p=0.004), and fat for the afternoon session (-3.8g, p=0.005); whilst not significant differences were observed for the Dessert- menu.

Substituting the desserts of the 3-week Spring/Summer menu by apple reduced free sugar content, but also other nutrients, namely energy, fat, carbohydrates and calcium. With easier access to early year settings for younger children recently introduced(3), to revise current menu examples supporting the reduction of free sugar intake whilst maintaining their nutritional adequacy it is paramount. This could be achieved by fortifying example menus with foods containing healthier fats, wholegrain carbohydrates and dairy products but also by further limiting the intake of sweet based desserts by increasing healthier alternatives, such as unprocessed fruit and natural yoghurt.

The United Nations Security Council’s passage of Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) in October 2000 marked a groundbreaking moment in time for women, policymakers, peacebuilders, and feminists across the globe. With this resolution, states tasked with maintaining international security signaled their agreement that the involvement of women in political leadership, politics, and peacebuilding was crucial for the maintenance of international peace and stability. They urged the incorporation of women’s perspectives into all policies and post-conflict frameworks. UNSCR 1325 has served as the centerpiece of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda for more than two decades, and scholars and policymakers have been both critical and supportive of this key document. As UNSCR 1325 reaches its 25th anniversary in October 2025, I asked leading scholars in the field to reflect on the current state of UNSCR 1325 — in particular, where it has brought us and where they expect it is or should be going.

Using Côte d’Ivoire as a case study, this article examines how the abolition of forced labor in the French colonies of Africa in 1946 put statistics at the heart of tensions between the colonial administration, European planters, and African planters. The first section suggests that figures were instrumentalized to serve competing group interests: on one side, those of European planters eager to show the iniquity of the measure to abolish forced labor, which undermined their economic activities due to the resulting labor shortages; on the other side, those of Ivorian planters, who produced figures to argue for the rights of workers and to convince the colonial administration of the need to move toward a system of freedom of labor. The article thus puts the focus on a blind spot in the academic literature, namely, the role of African agency in the production of figures and their capacity to resist colonial domination. It also examines how West African workers managed to circumvent the colonial recruiting system that had been set up by European planters in the form of the Syndicat interprofessionnel d’acheminement de la main-d’œuvre (Interprofessional union for the transport of labor, or SIAMO). It is this in particular that leads me to question the data produced by SIAMO, which attempted to direct migrant workers toward European farms in the south from 1950 onward.