This chapter presents four main stages. The first stage is concerned with general problems in the cultural industries connected with the rise of the internet, such as criticisms of cultural parasitism and piracy. The second stage looks at governmental policies and practices, which aim to address and curb internet piracy in both the US and the UK. The third stage is concerned with problems of internet piracy in the field of media sport and the related field of major sport events like the Olympic Games and also high-profile and high-value football matches. It describes 'hard' and 'soft' approaches taken by the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in its efforts to address the problem. The fourth stage considers issues relating to the nature of the current co-existence between television and the internet-based media in the context of the Olympics, and the possibilities for a new symbiosis in this area.

The current state of the radical left and, more broadly, politics in Scotland has its roots in the unique set of political, economic and intellectual conditions found in the 1960s and 1970s. Where mainstream accounts of the origins and development of Scottish nationalism - and its increasing popularity on the left - emphasise political and economic origins in these decades, this chapter emphasises the equally crucial intellectual developments of the period. Khruschev’s ‘secret speech’, ‘de-Stalinization’ and the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956 engendered a growing plurality of perspectives on the European left, and it was under these new conditions that the British left increasingly questioned Stalinist orthodoxies, and established critiques of labourism and the ‘British Road to Socialism’. The search for alternatives to the classical Marxist, social democratic and Soviet canons led to a new theoretical heterodoxy, bringing Gramscian and world-systems theories to the fore along with a more politically ambiguous conception of the ‘national question’. This chapter integrates an analysis of the intellectual development of left-wing Scottish nationalism with a consideration of the growth of its influence within the labour movement during the 1960s and 1970s.

The eleventh chapter assesses the utility of cooperation theory to explain the peace process in Northern Ireland. This theory stresses the interconnectedness of leaders’ decision-making and the complexity associated with the emergence of cooperation. This theoretical approach stresses the possibility of actors learning to cooperate with others who have differing or competing interests, thus, emphasizing adaptive rather than rational policy-making. Negotiators representing different states and groups in Northern Ireland came to their decisions and policy choices based on the expected reaction of others. The complexity of this interaction came to be appreciated by the actors themselves. While historically cooperation theory explained state behaviour, the cooperation that led to the signing and implementation of the Agreement required a pattern of coordinated cooperation among numerous actors, including historic rivals.

Beate Neumeier focuses on ghostly apparitions and monstrous creatures like witches and devil-dogs in Renaissance plays from Shakespeare’s Hamlet, Macbeth and The Winter’s Tale to Webster’s Duchess of Malfi, Middleton’s Changeling, and Rowley, Dekker, and Ford’s The Witch of Edmonton. Drawing on Todorov’s concept of the fantastic and Kristeva’s notion of the abject, she focuses on the nexus between cognitive and affective uncertainties in conjunction with a historical analysis of the impact of notions of vision, death and desire for the negotiation of early modern boundaries between spirit and matter, the human and the non-human and its gendered implications in connection to the emergence of tragicomedy as a hybrid genre.

This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book explains why, in 1960, the outbreak of the Congo crisis and its successive internationalisation through UN intervention was an important question for Anglo-American relations. By framing the Congo crisis as a key turning point in the process of decolonisation, it highlights the agency of the UN and the Afro-Asian bloc in accelerating the anti-colonial campaign and attempting to reshape the relationship between North and South. The chapter sketches the broader context of Anglo-American relations, as well as establishing the nature of the partnership, as it existed between President Dwight D. Eisenhower and British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, and afterwards with President John F. Kennedy. The book highlights the changing nature of the UN from 1960 to 1961.

Discussions of art at the Crystal Palace have largely focussed on sculpture and architecture from the past contained in its Fine Arts Courts. This chapter explores the role of art via a different trajectory using the paper trail of popular culture contained in the Daily Programme of events and the Crystal Palace’s own magazine, to reveal its connections to two artists who worked at the Palace around 1900. Drawing on contemporary popular journalism of the period, this chapter engages with representations of the artists Bertram Hiles and Herbert Beecroft as part of commercialised forms of leisure available at the Crystal Palace. The case studies of these two artists temporarily working in residence at Sydenham brings into focus the role of the Crystal Palace in modern consumer practices that in turn embraced the visual pleasures of gazing and looking. Far from the high moral tone of the original Hyde Park enterprise, the work of Hiles and Beecroft fused the visual pleasures offered by art with popular entertainment.

Cooperative for American Remittances to Europe (CARE) and several dozen American private voluntary agencies extended their services from Europe to Asia during the 1940s and early 1950s. South Korea, once it was freed from Japanese colonial rule, was one of the first non-European countries to receive post- war relief from the United States. Korea's economy was depressed, education levels were low, and the brain drain caused by colonial occupation had severely weakened its leadership basis. Hence, Western experts from the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Agency (UNRRA) and the Allied forces agreed that external help was needed. In January 1953 CARE was informed that the State Department had given the green light for the Korean children's choir to come to the United States.

Michael Cronin opens this chapter by observing that the greatest threat to Irish society has been the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism and the Market, which has come to be the deity to which all must bend. The Irish Church has traditionally been associated with a regime of fear and punishment, which is somewhat paradoxical given that the founding message of Christianity is one of hope, of the end of fear. In Cronin’s view, a more radical move for a Church, which has been brought to its knees by a multiplicity of cultural factors, would be to embrace empathy and a politics of hope, which might consist of no longer saying ‘No’, but ‘Yes’. The affirmation of justice for all, a more equal sharing of wealth, the creation of a climate where difference is embraced, these are the life-affirming and Christian principles on which the future of Irish Catholicism should be based.