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Radiocarbon (14C) methodology was used to investigate the presence of biocarbon in different bio-based disposable packaging products. Packaging waste contributes to a municipal solid waste, which is increasing environmental concerns and resulting in the enhancement of EU regulations that aim to reduce packaging waste. The 14C amount in samples reflects how much of the biocarbon has been used. In this study, the concentration of 14C was determined in commonly used types of disposable packaging, such as cups, plates, straws, cutlery, and baking paper. Samples were made of materials such as paper, wheat bran, sugarcane, and wood. The mean concentration of the 14C isotope, measured by the accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) technique, is greater than 100 pMC in all tested samples, indicating that the samples are modern. The relatively high 14C concentration values in the waterproof layer of the sample indicate that bioplastic, rather than plastic, was used in its production. The highest 14C isotope concentration values were measured for samples that used the oldest biomass (wood and paper), and the lowest for products from current crops (sugarcane and wheat bran), which is consistent with the trend of changes in 14C concentration in the biosphere. The study also addresses the problem of heterogeneity and representativeness of subsamples.
This article traces characterizations of the Cupbearer fresco, named after the large vessel the figure holds and uncovered at the site of Knossos in 1900, in light of the research agendas about the ‘races’ of the prehistoric Aegean and traditions of racial science current in late Victorian Britain. The head of the Cupbearer was compared to Classical Greek art, modern Cretan populations, and cranial remains from prehistoric contexts. Drawing from academic publications, articles in the press, and reports of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, the author situates the discourse surrounding the Cupbearer in the context of scholars seeking the origins of ‘European’ civilization in prehistory, and the creation of racial typologies, especially using cranial measurements and photography. The Cupbearer gained a dual status as a racial portrait comparable to past and present human populations, but also as a work of art that prefigured the later achievements of Classical Greece.
Compound-specific radiocarbon analysis (CSRA) provides the possibility to date sample material at a molecular level. N-alkanes are considered as specific compounds with high potential to CSRA. As these compounds originate from plant waxes, their radiocarbon (14C) analysis can provide valuable information about the age and origin of organic materials. This helps to reconstruct and understand environmental conditions and changes in vegetation in the past. However, CSRA has two main challenges: The small sample size of CSRA samples, making them extremely sensitive to blank effects, and the input of unknown amounts of extraneous carbon during the analytical procedure. According to the previous study from Sun and co-workers, we used different-sized aliquots of leaves Fagus sylvatica (nC27, nC29) and Festuca rubra agg (nC31, nC33) as modern standards and two commercial standards (nC26, nC28) as fossil standards for blank determination. A third commercial standard (nC27) with predetermined radiocarbon content of F14C = 0.71 (14C age of 2700 BP) serves to evaluate the blank correction. We found that the blank assessment of Sun and co-workers is also applicable to n-alkanes, with a minimum sample size of 15 µg C for dependable CSRA dates. We determined that the blank introduced during the analytical procedure has a mass of (4.1 ± 0.7) µg carrying a radiocarbon content of F14C = 0.25 ± 0.05. Applying the blank correction to a sediment sample from Lake Holzmaar (Germany) shows that all four isolated n-alkanes have similar 14C ages. However, the bulk material of the sediment and branches found in the sediment core are younger than the CSRA dates. We conclude that the disparity between the actual age of analysed organic material and the age inferred from radiocarbon results, which can occur in sediment traps due to delayed deposition, is the reason for the CSRA age.
Though infrequently used and largely superfluous, amphitheaters were often the most physically imposing and ideologically charged structures in a Roman city. The preponderance of extramural amphitheaters in Italy and their appearance in visual culture confirm they were potent markers of urban life and civic status. This paper contextualizes Tibur's imperial amphitheater within the Roman suburbium's persistent urban sprawl and villas, especially Hadrian's Villa, using a novel GIS visibility analysis. Its apparent size from various points in the surrounding landscape is quantified within empirical and qualitative scales developed for modern visual impact assessments. The results demonstrate the amphitheater's suburban location did more than integrate Tibur's extramural growth into the older urban center. It emphasized the city's urban appearance, even from long distances, and monumentalized alternate routes to the city used by the villa-owning elite, countering the ambiguous status of a liminal city that was both Rome's annex and an autonomous municipium.
This chapter continues through the early eleventh century our account of the political histories related in Chapter 8. In contrast to events chronicled for the Copán-centered network at this time, what we see in other parts of Honduras and El Salvador is the emergence of large capitals that dominated their respective domains. These processes are most evident in Honduras’s Lower Ulúa, Lower Cacaulapa, and Comayagua valleys where the regional capitals of Cerro Palenque, El Coyote, Tenampua, and Las Vegas were established. Whereas these developments had Indigenous roots, Pipiles, Nahua-speaking immigrants from Mexico, now founded Cihuatán, a large town located in El Salvador’s Cerrón Grande basin. How power relations within the realms governed from these capitals were structured varied considerably. Similarly, the roles of things, whether locally fashioned (such as copper at El Coyote) or imported (such as Plumbate and Fine Orange ceramics and Pachuca obsidian), in these political processes also differed.
This chapter traces the consequences of Copán’s dynastic collapse for the realms that had been colonies or allies of the lowland Maya capital. All of these domains underwent demographic declines and political fragmentation. The nature of the changes, however, differed depending in part on what relations an area’s inhabitants had enjoyed with Copán’s agents. A crucial event in this process was the secession of Quirigua from the colonial network in CE 738. This dramatic development precipitated changes in governance at Copán even as it offered novel opportunities for former allies to advance claims to power that had not been available to them when Copán’s rulers enjoyed greater regional predominance. Ultimately, however, processes of political centralization and hierarchy building were curtailed among all participants in this network by CE 1000.
This interval witnessed drastic changes in political formations throughout Southeast Mesoamerica. These shifts generally took the form of political decentralization as what had been regional capitals were largely abandoned and replaced by the more muted expressions of political preeminence that took shape in smaller, dispersed political centers. A major exception to this trend is found at the site of Copán. The arrival here of interlopers from the Maya lowlands, led by K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’, transformed this settlement into the capital of a realm ruled according to principles previously foreign to the Southeast but which were well established among lowland Maya domains to the west. Much of the chapter is devoted to exploring how this singular event was possibly implicated in changes occurring elsewhere in Southeast Mesoamerica at this time. Copán’s rulers, outside their realm, did not determine the course of any area’s local history. Their mode of rule that combined political centralization with marked expressions of hierarchy, however, offered a model that their Southeastern neighbors could and did adapt to their own purposes.
In this chapter, we consider how power was centralized within multiple Southeastern societies and the ways such pretensions were challenged. These contests were waged as people employed a diverse array of things secured from various sources to accomplish their distinct aims. Efforts to concentrate power and build hierarchies generally involved the creation of plazas, surrounded by monumental platforms, that served as venues for communal gatherings. The rituals and feasts held within these locales helped instill in the participants a sense of belonging to a group that encompassed and transcended earlier loyalties to individual households. Such events also promoted the preeminence of those who hosted them, planned the raising of these impressive arenas, and lived in the buildings bordering them. Resistance to these political projects relied on the majority’s efforts to remain economically self-sufficient, thus stymieing the emergence of hierarchies in most parts of the Southeast. The resulting political formations varied in their degrees of power concentration and the creation of invidious distinctions based on the shifting outcomes of these power competitions.