Maya Blue is a unique hybrid pigment created by combining organic indigo with the inorganic clay mineral palygorskite. First used for architectonic decoration in the Terminal Preclassic, it became widespread in the Late Classic on figurines, murals, and elite ceramics. Unlike indigo, it is notable for its durability and resistance to degradation by acids, alkalines, organic solvents and fading. The authors analyzed 17 samples of Maya Blue on pottery from the Late-Terminal Classic periods, a.d. 680–860, from Buenavista del Cayo, Belize. Using laser ablation inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS), it was determined that the palygorskite in these samples likely came from Sacalum, Yucatan, some 375 km away. The authors suggest several routes by which palygorskite might have been transported from Yucatán to Buenavista. The pigment or knowledge of how to produce it likely was conveyed through high-status exchanges rather than commercial trade. Maya Blue held significant cultural and religious importance. It symbolized water and rain and was associated with the god Chaahk. Maya Blue appeared initially at Buenavista on architecture and rare imported ceramics but its use gradually increased on locally produced Belize Valley wares. Use at Buenavista peaked in the early 9th century before disappearing around a.d. 860. The study demonstrates the potential of trace element analysis in identifying long-distance social interactions in ancient Mesoamerica.

Radiocarbon dating is a widely used method in archaeology and earth sciences, but the precision of calibrated dates from single radiocarbon measurements can be difficult to understand. This study investigates the precision of calibrated radiocarbon dates depending on the uncertainties of the measurement and the details of the calibration curve. Using data for the Holocene epoch and the IntCal20 calibration curve, over 1,000,000 hypothetical radiocarbon measurements were calibrated and analyzed. The study shows that high-precision measurements can yield calibrated date ranges from less than 50 years to more than 200 years (at the 95.4% probability) depending on the specifics of the calibration curve. This research may serve as a tool for planning future studies and assessing whether high-precision measurements are beneficial for proposed case.

This paper deals with symbolic and ontological human–animal relationships at the Early Neolithic (PPNA) site of Göbekli Tepe in southeastern Turkey. Here a series of megalithic round stone buildings, built by hunter-gatherers, were embellished by large stone pillars with depictions of animals, particularly predators. On the basis of an analysis of the pillar iconography and of recent anthropological and archaeological insights about alterity and perceptions of nature and culture, it will be argued that human–animal relationships at Göbekli Tepe were part of an ontology marked by both immanence and hierarchy. Imagistic ritualization in evocative architectural contexts, probably directed by shamans, served to express such relations. The internal logic of this is exemplified in a model of the world of Göbekli Tepe, based on a novel approach with so-called referential relations and compositional hierarchy as ways to explore and interpret relations between beings and things.

Chronological studies are pivotal for understanding different dimensions of the past. Latin America has embraced various archaeometric dating methods, including radiocarbon (14C) dating. This article reviews the development and challenges of radiocarbon databases and datasets in Latin America, analyzing their integration with global projects and highlighting regional disparities. While global databases like IntChron and CARD often marginalize Latin American data, local projects such as ArqueoData, AndesC14, MesoRAD, SAAID and ExPaND focus on regional needs. The fragmentation of radiocarbon data across publications, technical reports, and limited-access archives hinders accessibility and collaboration. This article underscores the necessity of transitioning from static datasets to dynamic web applications, utilizing APIs to enhance data interoperability, incorporating FAIR principles (findability, accessibility, interoperability, and reusability). This article proposes embedding Latin American initiatives within stable, local institutions to ensure sustainability, establishing classification standards for both radiocarbon dates and associated archaeological contexts. Interdisciplinary collaboration between archaeologists and computer scientists is crucial to developing robust, interoperable databases. By embracing these strategies, Latin America can bridge technological and economic gaps, strengthening its contribution to global archaeological research and fostering new insights into the region’s past.

Plague and famine are two of the worst killers in human history. Both struck the Czech lands in the Middle Ages not long after each other (the famine of 1318 CE and the plague of 1348–1350 CE). The aim of our study was to try to relate the mass graves found in the vicinity of the Chapel of All Saints with an ossuary in the Kutná Hora–Sedlec site to these two specific events. For this purpose, we used stratigraphic and archaeological data, radiocarbon dating, and Bayesian modeling of 172 calibrated AMS ages obtained from teeth and bones of 86 individuals buried in the mass graves. Based on the stratigraphic and archaeological data, five mass graves were interpreted as famine graves and eight mass graves were interpreted as plague graves. Using these data and the calibration of the radiocarbon results of the tooth-bone pairs of each individual, we constructed the Bayesian model to interpret the remaining mass graves for which no contextual information was available (eight mass graves). In terms of Bayesian model results, the model fits stratigraphic data in 23 out of 34 cases and in all seven cases based on calibration data. To validate the model results on archaeologically and stratigraphically uninterpreted data, ancient DNA analysis is required to identify Yersinia pestis.

This article examines the challenges Indigenous communities face in safeguarding their intangible cultural heritage (ICH) in the digital age, using two case studies. Referring to the Te Hiku Media case, it analyzes the threat of data colonialism posed by corporate digitization projects. The article argues that existing legal frameworks provide limited protection for Indigenous ICH, prompting Indigenous communities to develop the innovative theory of Indigenous data sovereignty (ID-SOV). The Government of Nunavut–Microsoft partnership case highlights the benefits and drawbacks of public–private partnerships (PPPs) for Indigenous ICH. Key takeaways from both cases’ analysis lead to our proposal of integrating ID-SOV principles into PPPs to limit data colonialism risks and improve the sustainability of Indigenous ICH digitization projects. The article contends that implementing ID-SOV principles by design and by default in PPPs can empower Indigenous communities while leveraging the oversight of public actors and resources of private partners to safeguard Indigenous ICH through digital tools.

As I pass the 40-year mark of work in cultural heritage and cultural heritage law, I am grateful for the opportunity to reflect on how the field has evolved since the mid-1980s. This reflection acknowledges the contributions of those who influenced the early development of this field and the way their work continues today through the scholarship and activism of their successors. Evolution on the international level was matched with domestic legal accomplishments in the United States—the world’s largest art market—with conclusive recognition of the principle of foreign state ownership to protect archaeological heritage, US ratification of the 1954 Hague Convention, and an expansion of US implementation of the 1970 UNESCO Convention. At the same time, threats to cultural heritage from armed conflict, other forms of violence, and climate-change-induced natural disasters continue, while the field has only started to reckon with the legacies of colonialism and imperialism often embodied in the large public collections in the European former colonial powers and those who purchased cultural objects from them. This article sets out four areas of cultural heritage law in which we have not succeeded sufficiently and the questions that remain for future generations to resolve.

Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act requires US federal agencies and their applicants to consider historic properties affected by their proposed actions. Guided principally by architectural historians and archaeologists throughout the 1980s, Section 106 reviews focused on identifying discrete structures and sites and then evaluating them in terms of dominant society aesthetics, histories, and sciences. By the 1990s, Section 106 participation by consulting Tribes and other cultural resource stewards obliged federal agencies to address a broader spectrum of historic properties and values. Agencies soon began using cultural landscape studies and other research and consultation tools to “match” historic property identification and assessment processes to the scale and complexity of proposed undertakings. The Section 106 review for the SunZia interstate transmission line (2009–2024) shows that the federal government has yet to consistently meet mandates to identify and assess elements other than archaeological/architectural historic properties. Our surveys of historic preservation professionals and available cultural landscape studies underscore disconnections between practitioner preferences for and the federal agency conduct of cultural landscape studies. They also highlight standards to use in evaluating the adequacy of cultural landscape studies. We recommend six attributes as essential to all cultural landscape study designs, methods, and applications in the Section 106 process.

The use of ochre in burials at the Neolithic site of Khok Phanom Di, Thailand, was a broadly inclusive practice; however, ∼18 per cent of burials did not contain powdered ochre pigment. On closer examination it was found that the majority of those without ochre were perinates. When compared to other burials in the cemetery non-ochred perinate burials were typically shallow scoop cuts, without grave goods. However, not all perinates were buried in this manner; ∼38 per cent of perinate burials contained ochre and were more similar in type and contents to the rest of the cemetery. This paper examines the differences between perinate burials with and without ochre, considering the wider bioarchaeological context. The findings show that perinates without ochre were on average smaller skeletally than those with pigment. This along with comparisons to other sites directs the focus to ‘the point of mortality’—whether the individuals were stillborn or neonatal deaths. This is explored through comparative data and a cross-cultural discussion of perinatal personhood and social acknowledgement. The interment of non-ochred individuals within the community cemetery demonstrates community inclusion but an exclusion from ‘normal’ burial rites (ochre, grave goods, etc.), demonstrating a lack of individual acknowledgement—a grey area between inclusion and exclusion.