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In the late summer of 1894, Sultan Abdülhamid II ordered several battalions of Ottoman soldiers to destroy Armenian 'bandits' operating in the remote mountains of Sasun. Over a three-week period, these soldiers systematically murdered men, women, and children, beginning a chain of events which led directly to the Hamidian massacres of 1895 to 1897 and prefigured many of the patterns of the Medz Yeghern (Great Crime) of 1915–1917. Taking a microhistorical approach, Owen Robert Miller examines how the Ottoman State harnessed three nascent technologies (modern firearms, steamboats, and telegraphs) to centralize authority and envisage new methods of conquest. Alongside developing an understanding of how the violence took place, this study explores how competing narratives of the massacre unfolded and were both disseminated and repressed. Emphasizing the pivotal significance of geography and new technologies, The Conquest of the Mountains reveals how the tragic history of these massacres underscores the development of Ottoman State authoritarianism.
Between 2023 and 2024, the Endangered Archaeology in the Middle East and North Africa (EAMENA) project and the Libyan Department of Antiquities (DoA) collaborated to apply the newly-developed EAMENA Machine Learning Automated Change Detection (MLACD) method to a series of case studies across Libya. The first of these case studies concerns the region of Lefakat, south of Benghazi, which is facing rapid urbanization, placing heritage sites under immediate threat. An initial desk-based assessment was conducted to identify archaeological sites and apply the MLACD method. Following the remote sensing analyses, a team of Libyan archaeologists from the DoA conducted fieldwork to verify and validate the results. The work involved archaeological and condition assessments of the sites. The remote sensing and fieldwork survey documented 30 archaeological sites, primarily dating from the Roman period, recording new information about these sites. The threats affecting them related primarily to urbanization and vegetation growth, looting and rubbish dumping. The approach highlighted in this article combines advanced remote sensing technologies with fieldwork validation, providing a robust framework for monitoring and safeguarding archaeological sites.
Libya, a country in North Africa with vast arid regions, faces a serious water crisis. With less than 7.5 mm of rainfall each year and evaporation rates over 3,000 mm, water scarcity is a constant challenge. The country relies heavily on fossil groundwater – non-renewable underground reserves – leading to the depletion of aquifers and making water increasingly scarce. As a result, Libya has some of the lowest per-person freshwater availability in the world, with less than 200 cubic metres annually. Population growth, expanding cities and industrial development put further pressure on limited water resources, while overuse, pollution and environmental degradation worsen the situation. Projects like the Man-Made River, which transports water from the south to the north, aim to help but have not fully solved the problem. To secure water for the future, Libya needs a comprehensive, sustainable strategy based on principles of Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM). This approach involves carefully planning and managing water, land and related resources in a way that considers social, economic and environmental factors. Such efforts can improve efficiency, reduce waste and pollution and boost resilience against climate change. Addressing water scarcity also requires adopting sustainable practices such as collecting rainwater, treating and reusing wastewater, desalinating seawater and promoting water- efficient technologies. Combining these strategies with infrastructure improvements can help make the most of Libya’s water resources, protect the environment, improve people’s lives and utilize concepts like virtual water and water footprinting to bridge gaps and foster better water management. A holistic, sustainable approach rooted in IWRM principles is essential for tackling the root causes of Libya’s water crisis and building a secure water future.
In this paper the Latinate gentilicia Flavius and Iulius, as well as the rank tribunus with its Punic equivalent, found in the Latino-Punic sub-corpus from the necropolis at Bir ed-Dreder are discussed. The texts date roughly to the mid fourth century AD, and attest to the continued survival of Punic in the Tripolitanian pre-desert, also in an official Roman context. While the inscriptions are difficult to understand, direct Latin influence is limited to these three nouns related to their service in the Roman army. The Roman military rank tribunus could, however, also be rendered in Punic. By all accounts, knowledge of Latin was still at best limited in this region during early Late Antiquity.
Between 2023 and 2024, the Endangered Archaeology in the Middle East and North Africa (EAMENA) project, in collaboration with the Libyan Department of Antiquities (DoA), organised and conducted a series of training workshops and fieldwork campaigns in Libya, funded by the British Council’s Cultural Protection Fund (CPF). The workshops provided training to over 20 members of the DoA in a newly-developed Machine Learning Automated Change Detection (MLACD) tool. This remote sensing method was developed by the Leicester EAMENA team to detect landscape change and aid heritage monitoring efforts. The MLACD method was applied to four case studies in Libya: Lefakat (Cyrenaica), Bani Walid (Tripolitania), the region south of Derna (Cyrenaica) and Jarma (Fazzan). Each of these case studies was followed by a survey campaign by Libyan archaeologists to validate the results of the method, survey the archaeological sites identified, record their condition and assess the disturbances and threats affecting them. This article will provide an overview of the aims and successful outcomes of the EAMENA-CPF training programme, as well as an introduction to the MLACD method and its application to Libyan heritage, providing background and context for the individual case studies, which will be published more fully in separate articles.
The Shast-Sheshi festival is held annually in the village of Siān, beginning on the sixty-sixth day after Nowruz. This timing matches the ancient Khordadgan festival, celebrated on the sixth day of the month of Khordad, dedicated to the Zoroastrian goddess Khordad. The central rite of Shast-Sheshi was immersion in the now-dry Shāh Chashme spring. Other rites include visits to nearby sacred sites linked to Khordad, the female guardian of water. The festival, drawing thousands from nearby settlements, lasts ten days and features a seasonal fair. Although centered at a Shia shrine complex, it remains a largely secular event. Jarquyeh uniquely preserves this ancient Iranian tradition and shows how forgotten myth can resurface in an unexpected place and time.
This article examines previously overlooked Italian archival sources concerning the Ottoman-Safavid wars, thereby broadening the study of European knowledge of Safavid Iran beyond the well-known Venetian and Roman context. Focusing on documents preserved in the State Archives of Florence and Mantua, it analyses a Tuscan report on the origin of the 1578-90 conflict and a Mantuan account of the Battle of Sufiyan (1605). These records, compared with modern historiography, reveal the remarkable accuracy and scope of Italian ‘intelligence’ networks. The study highlights the significance of Italian diplomatic, mercantile, and informational infrastructures in shaping early modern Europe’s understanding of Safavid Iran.
This chapter examines how the head of the Safavid order, originally a Sufi master, came to acquire the mantle of kingship. Using sociolinguistics to analyze the political language, the chapter explores how the Safavid leader maintained his ties with the Qizilbash tribal chiefs. Their power dynamic was underpinned by a set of moral codes, with the concept of shukr al-niʿma (obligation of gratitude) being central. The chiefs viewed their loyalty as a debt owed to the Safavid leader, who provided them with both material and spiritual benefits.
Shah Tahmasb (r. 1524–76), the second Safavid ruler, faced the immense challenge of establishing his legitimacy and power in the shadow of his legendary father, Ismail, the founder of the dynasty. The Turkic tribal chiefs of Anatolia, including the Rumlus, Ustajlus, Afshars, Qajars, and Takkalus, were often resistant to subservience, especially to a ruler they perceived as lacking the military might and charismatic authority of Ismail. During the first half of Tahmasb’s reign, this challenge was particularly acute.
To secure his rule and the loyalty of his chiefs, Tahmasb turned to the spiritual concept of ikhlās (purity of intention), a powerful moral code drawn from the Qurʾan and expounded in Sufi ethics. This concept, used to consecrate the bond of loyalty between the chiefs and their Sufi king, made the loyalty morally binding and more difficult to break. In the face of political instability, marked by civil war and a massive Ottoman invasion, the Safavid dynasty’s survival depended on this cultivation of sacred loyalty.
Despite his lack of immediate personal charisma, Tahmasb’s cultivation of consecrated loyalty solidified the chiefs’ allegiance and helped the Safavids endure their most perilous period, preserving both the dynasty’s cohesion and its long-term survival.
This chapter covers the Democrat Party’s first term in office (1950–54), focusing on two aspects of this period: first, its leaders’ consolidation of power; second, the ways in which their economic policies of lower taxes, expanded credit, and increased investment depended on close relations with the United States. To secure economic and military aid, Democrat Party leaders sent soldiers to fight in the Korean War and continuously reminded US officials of Turkey’s strategic value. Drawing on diplomatic archives from the United States, Britain, and Turkey, this chapter reveals the dynamics of these negotiations. Moreover, the chapter shows how control of economic policymaking was a crucial arena of intraparty power struggles, both among the top leadership and at the provincial level. Again, looking at examples from Balıkesir and Malatya, we see how tensions increased between the parties during the early 1950s. We also see how the DP’s control of government allowed it to steer projects to provinces it controlled and penalize provinces that rejected it.
This chapter focuses on the period beginning with the Democrat Party’s electoral triumph in 1954 and ending with its 1955 parliamentary group crisis, when the government nearly fell. In this period, economic conditions ceased to favor the party. A slump in global demand reduced Turkey’s access to foreign exchange, while the government’s expansionary monetary policies encouraged inflation. As economic challenges intensified, economic policy became as much of an electoral liability as a strength. Facing domestic criticism, Democrat-led governments limited the bounds of public dissent in schools, media, and political organizations. Prime Minister Menderes and his allies resisted calls from economic liberals in their own party (as well as the United States) to devalue the lira, increase taxes, and develop a long-term economic plan. The resulting tensions fractured the party, leading to the departure of many of its liberal members. These efforts to constrain institutions that provided checks and balances on the government constituted a policy of de-democratization. At the same time, the party’s leaders played international creditors off against one another and sought access to additional credit.
By the mid-fifteenth century, the Safavid order had militarized, emerging as a significant threat to regional powers like the Aqquyunlu, Qaraquyunlu, Shirvanshah, and later, the Ottomans. This provoked the deaths of key Safavid leaders – Sheikh Junayd, Haydar, and Sultan ʿAli – along with thousands of their followers, who were killed in battle or executed. Despite these devastating losses, the Safavid community’s loyalty to their cause remained steadfast.
The Safavids’ rise to power was deeply intertwined with their Sufi spiritual practices, which provided a unique advantage over their political rivals. Early followers of the order viewed themselves as disciples (murids), accepting the absolute spiritual authority of their leader, the murshid-i kāmil (perfect spiritual guide). The master-disciple relationship, grounded in a power dynamic of domination and submission, created a deep sense of solidarity within the Safavid community.