Phonaesthetics examines why some languages are perceived as more aesthetically appealing than others, independent of meaning. Here we test whether phonetic and phonological properties predict listeners’ evaluations of 24 European languages using studio-quality recordings of native speakers reading the same text. 204 participants rated each recording on four dimensions: beauty, eros, status and order on 0–100 scales and indicated whether the language sounded familiar. Because familiarity reliably boosts evaluations, we first quantified its impact and then focused our main analyses on trials where languages were not recognized. We fitted Bayesian multilevel models with random intercepts for listener and language to examine a broad set of predictors: consonant place and manner distributions, vocalic share, voiced consonants, a sonority index, vowel height and backness and suprasegmental typology (speech rate, syllable structure, stress and rhythm type). Across most model families, effects were small and uncertain, with credible intervals (CrIs) overlapping zero, and variance was dominated by between-listener differences. The clearest and most consistent segmental signal was vowel height: a higher proportion of close vowels predicted lower status and order ratings. Overall, the results suggest that while a few fine-grained segmental cues may shape specific evaluative dimensions, phonaesthetic judgments are strongly shaped by listener-level variability, with only a small number of fixed individual-difference and phonetic predictors showing robust associations.

Numbers have mathematically defined, formal meanings, which afford precision and objectivity. In practice, however, we show that round numbers are frequently used approximately, and this approximate use depends on magnitude. Across three analyses of British and American English, we demonstrate the following: (1) people use round numbers more often, and round to a greater extent, at higher magnitudes; (2) the distributional semantics of larger round numbers resemble those of indefinite hyperbolic numbers such as ‘gazillion’, which lack a precise value; and (3) larger jigsaw puzzles have greater discrepancies between round advertised piece counts and the actual values (e.g., advertising ‘13,200 pieces’ when the actual count is 13,224). We argue that the relationship between roundness, magnitude and approximation derives from the base-10 structure of English numerals, which renders powers of 10 structurally salient, creating hotspots for communicative functions such as approximation. We discuss how these communicative patterns align with the approximate number system, which cognitively represents larger quantities with increasing imprecision, making them harder to estimate and compare.

Listeners flexibly adapt utterance interpretation based on speaker characteristics, but less is known about how this works in multiparty conversations, particularly for pragmatic inferences like Mutual Exclusivity (MEI) – the tendency to map novel terms onto unnamed referents. MEI may reflect a flexible, speaker-sensitive process or a rigid default. This study tested whether listeners modulate MEI based on speaker-specific referential consistency in multiparty conversations. Two eye-tracking experiments were conducted (Exp 1: N = 32, English; Exp 2: N = 44, Spanish), where participants followed instructions from two speakers. In experimental conditions, one speaker was consistent (reused labels), while the other was inconsistent (sometimes relabeled objects). Control conditions featured two consistent speakers. Results showed robust and early MEI across conditions. No speaker-specific adaptation occurred, but Experiment 1 showed context-general adaptation: exposure to an inconsistent speaker within a conversation reduced MEI overall. Findings suggest that in high-demand communicative contexts, MEI operates as a strong default heuristic, largely resistant to speaker-level inconsistency. Evidence for sensitivity to broader contextual reliability was observed in Experiment 1 but did not replicate in Experiment 2, leaving open whether MEI exhibits limited contextual flexibility or whether the initial finding reflected design-specific factors.

Although syntactic priming is often studied in a purely cognitive framework, individual differences in rates of syntactic priming may be related to other social-cognitive and sociolinguistic factors. One such factor may be perspective-taking, in that the ability to take into account the thoughts and feelings of another person may relate to individual differences in the frequency of syntactic priming. To date, however, the limited research investigating this question has used non-interactive measures of perspective-taking in which participants self-report their perspective-taking tendencies or reason about third-party characters. To address this gap, participants in the present study will complete three different perspective-taking tasks, and we will examine whether individual differences in perspective-taking relate to syntactic priming rates during an interactive task. Given some evidence that perspective-taking scores are higher in bilingual versus monolingual individuals, we will also estimate perspective-taking scores and rates of syntactic priming based on participants’ multilingualism scores. Analyzing whether and how perspective-taking and multilingualism relate to variability in rates of structural priming will help inform our understanding of the social-cognitive mechanisms that contribute to linguistic alignment.

In German written language, demonstrative expressions like diese or die play an important part in connecting discourse referents and making larger stretches of discourse coherent. But what makes a writer decide to use a proximal (diese-dieser-dieses, hier) or a distal (die-der-das, da) demonstrative variant? Using a free writing production experiment, we investigated the role of two types of factors suggested to drive demonstrative variance in German written text: the higher-order variable of discourse genre and a number of local structural variables reflecting the prominence of discourse referents, such as the distance between demonstrative and antecedent and the syntactic function or clause position of the demonstrative clause. We asked 100 participants to write emails to a friend (a narrative type of text) and a local authority (an expository text) about an event on the basis of a given scenario. The results indicate that discourse genre by far exceeds the effect of local variables as driver of demonstrative variance. As such, this study complements earlier work on German demonstrative use and corroborates existing findings in other languages through offering an explanatory framework for the understanding of the discourse conditions responsible for the majority of demonstrative choices in German written text.

Models of visual word recognition in Latin script assume rapid abstraction of letter identities from perceptual features, reflected in the absence of visual similarity effects for pseudowords (e.g., viotin and viocin yield similar response times in lexical decision). Whether this principle extends to Arabic-derived scripts remains unclear because visual similarity in Arabic can be confounded with preservation of consonantal root structure in a Semitic language. We examined this issue in Persian, an Indo-European language written in an Arabic-derived script that preserves dot-based letter contrasts but lacks Semitic root-based morphology. In two lexical decision experiments, pseudowords were formed by replacing one internal letter in words with (1) a visually similar letter (e.g., موسیفی /musifi/ [base word: موسیقی /musiqi/, music]), (2) a visually dissimilar letter preserving ligation (موسیلی /musili/) or (3) a visually dissimilar letter altering ligation (موسیزی /musizi/). Experiment 1 presented the stimulus until response, whereas Experiment 2 limited presentation to 200 ms. Response times were slower for visually similar pseudowords than for visually dissimilar pseudowords preserving ligation, and the two visually dissimilar conditions did not differ reliably. These findings support the view that lexical access in Arabic-derived scripts operates over abstract letter identities, while dot-based visual similarity can produce a processing cost.

This study investigates the diachronic evolution of four object-involving syntactic structures formed with the Mandarin complex directional complement (CDC) qǐlái ‘get up’ from the 12th to early 20th centuries, using data from the Center for Chinese Linguistics (CCL) corpus. Frequency distributions and multiple correspondence analysis (MCA) show that these structures did not undergo simple replacement but instead developed through gradual functional differentiation. Mid-object (mid-O) emerged earliest and remained the most frequent pattern, developing as a relatively neutral and processual structure more strongly associated with event unfolding and with new, indefinite and non-patient objects. Pre-object (pre-O) appeared later, peaked in the 17th century and was increasingly restricted to state-change events, a development related to its verb–object (V–O) adjacency and subsequent competition from ba-O. Ba object (ba-O) became increasingly prominent over time and reached its highest proportion in the 19th century, becoming specialized for foregrounding cognitively accessible and highly affected objects. Although post-O remained rare, qualitative evidence suggests a degree of specialization in evaluative uses, where the postverbal object serves as an anchor for subsequent judgment or description. These findings contribute to a usage-based understanding of syntactic change by showing how formally related variants come to be differentiated through the interaction of structural, cognitive and language-specific factors.