This article examines Group G, a commoner household at the Classic-period Maya site of Chinikihá (a.d. 200–900), to explore how daily practices, household rituals, and architectural histories intersected within domestic space. Excavations revealed well-preserved architecture, including a patio, kitchen, and dwelling, with evidence of construction events, ritual offerings, and long-term maintenance. Soil chemical analyses identified signatures of food preparation, consumption, and maintenance activities through residues of phosphates, proteins, fatty acids, and carbohydrates, alongside charcoal and paleoethnobotanical remains. Combined with botanical evidence such as Guadua (bamboo) and pine (Pinus sp.), these results underscore the importance of kitchens, patios, and altars as spaces of production, memory, and ritual practice. Residues preserved in floors and surfaces provide intimate insights into daily activities while situating households within broader cultural and cosmological frameworks. By focusing on a non-ruling-elite domestic group, this research highlights the resilience of Indigenous technologies and practices and their enduring continuity into modern Maya communities, contributing to broader discussions on social organization, identity, and tradition in ancient Mesoamerica.

Las antiguas élites mayas jugaban a la pelota. Esta acción y las actividades asociadas se enfatizan para complementar las interpretaciones simbólicas de estudios anteriores. Basándose en la teoría de conjuntos, se discute cómo las interacciones recurrentes y causales institucionalizaron el juego de pelota. Los análisis multiescalares y multidimensionales permiten estudiar las relaciones parasociales, asimétricas y co-constitutivas entre los jugadores, el público y la cancha. En el este de las tierras bajas mayas, se encuentra el centro de Tzikin Tzakan, donde se documentaron dos canchas de juego de pelota. Debajo de la parte de las superficies originales de la cancha oeste, se encontraron varias capas de lascas de pedernal. Su presencia infiere la furia y el dolor que ocurría durante el juego de pelota. Los nobles jugaban sabiendo que sufrirían y hasta podrían fallecer. Se documentó un basurero que probablemente refleja las fiestas asociadas al juego y que apunta al rol del público en crear y gozar un espectáculo. Comparadas con 50 canchas cercanas, las canchas de juego de pelota de Tzikin Tzakan destacan por su orientación, su forma y sus dimensiones. Sus características regionalmente únicas y localmente compartidas ejemplifican el juego de pelota como una totalidad emergente.

This work compares the use of palace diplomacy and propaganda by the rulers of Constantinople and Mexico-Tenochtitlan. It builds on studies of the cultural exchange between the Roman and Sasanian empires from the third to sixth centuries a.d., which led to a diplomatic protocol shared by these two realms. This protocol and Liudprand of Cremona’s account of diplomatic receptions are the basis for comparative analysis. Drawing on Hernando Alvarado Tezozómoc’s Crónica Mexicana and other sixteenth-century sources, this study identifies key characteristics of diplomacy in Mesoamerica. It explores how Mexico-Tenochtitlan employed palace diplomacy and propaganda from the reign of Motecuhzoma Ilhuicamina to Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin. Through this analysis, we find that the diplomatic and propaganda objectives of Constantinople and Mexico-Tenochtitlan had distinct focuses. The Byzantine rulers aimed to maintain their existing empire, while the Tenochca rulers sought not only to preserve but also to expand their domain. As a result, Constantinople’s strategy emphasized palace diplomacy, whereas Mexico-Tenochtitlan’s focused more on propaganda. Despite these differences, both approaches share several similarities. Both began with invitations, and their protocols included the same components: visual (architecture, wealth, and terror), ceremonial (including aural, olfactory, gustatory, ludic, haptic, somatic, and terror elements), and diplomatic (interviews and gift exchanges).

I present a proposal for the identification of the deities that appear in Glyph C of the Maya Lunar Series as the patrons of the Moon’s phases, based in two arguments. First, there are two cosmological narratives associated with the phases of the Moon. In the first, the Moon dies and is reborn at each new Moon. The waxing phase would be ruled by the Lunar Maize God whom is born just before the first visible crescent, and the Lunar Death God would rule over the waning Moon dying during the last crescent, remaining dead during the Moon’s invisibility period. Second the Moon transforms into a night Sun during the full Moon, which would be represented by the Lunar Jaguar God of the Underworld. This deity would govern over the days around the full Moon, as the nocturnal Sun. The second argument is that, as the calendar controlled by Glyph C was used, at least loosely, to predict eclipses, that occur during the new and the full Moon, and because these syzygies are governed by the proposed deities, the control realm of these gods was extended over the Glyph C semesters, to differentiate them, and reinforce their relationship to eclipses.

Recent research has identified numerous distinctive architectural complexes in the central and western Maya Lowlands. Characterized by concentric arrays of low structures, these assemblages are consistent with Conquest-period descriptions of central Mexican marketplaces. Predominantly dating to the Classic period (ca. a.d. 250–900), they are also remarkably similar to the East Plaza of Tikal and the Chiik Nahb complex at Calakmul, both interpreted as markets based on multiple lines of evidence. The low, narrow, elongated mounds arranged in concentric circles or rectangles are likely remnants of platforms that once supported perishable stalls for displaying goods, with the intervening aisles functioning as walkways. Associated major structures and annexed courtyards may have accommodated administrative authorities or served as storage facilities. Stone altars and shrine remains within these complexes, along with the occasional presence of ballcourts and ceremonial buildings, align with well-documented religious and ritual aspects of Mesoamerican trade. While further research will undoubtedly detect more of these nested constructions, their distribution appears to be geographically limited. Since the available evidence strongly suggests that they represent a regional variant of ancient Maya built markets, this study also explores their distribution in relation to major trade routes, environmental constraints, and regional economic specializations.

This article attempts to clarify the nature and structure of the Nahua otherworlds. It follows in the footsteps of scholars who have demonstrated the inaccuracy of the Sahaguntine view of the Nahua destinations of the dead. The article begins by analyzing multiple Mesoamerican alphabetic and graphic accounts of journeys to the world beyond, and concludes that the Nahua divided their supernatural dimension into two parts, classified by the numbers eight and nine. “Eight” described a realm of communication with the gods, while “nine”—a realm of destruction and subsequent transformation into new life. Next, the article proposes that concepts such as Mictlan, Tlalocan, or Tonatiuh Ichan, traditionally understood as supernatural “regions,” were conceptual domains, each related to a particular space, time, gods, attributes, and potential actions. The article analyzes four of such domains, all related to the metamorphoses of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl: Tlillan Tlapallan, Tlahuizcalli, Itzmictlan, and Chiucnauhnepaniuhcan. This analysis not only leads to a new way of understanding the Nahua otherworlds as a whole. It also sheds light on the life cycle of the key Nahua god and his mysterious “destination,” Tlillan Tlapallan.

Studies of pottery production and exchange under the Mexica (Aztec) empire have emphasized the role of elites, the constraints created by the market system, or the effects of persistent regionalism in shaping economic patterns. We build on those studies by emphasizing the role of commoners and how their decisions and strategies shaped pottery production and exchange after the formation of the Mexica empire. We present a neutron activation analysis of 111 pottery samples from Xaltocan, including a variety of decorated and undecorated serving vessels and utilitarian pottery from contexts that date to the Mexica empire. The chemical composition of the pottery indicates production of different types at Xaltocan, Cuauhtitlan, Tenochtitlan, Texcoco, Otumba, Chalco, and the southern basin of Mexico. While some types were produced at a variety of locales, a few of the types sampled were produced only or mostly at Xaltocan, including Red Ware, Aztec Polychrome, and Fabric Marked pottery. The findings suggest that commoners were actively copying or producing different types without elite or Mexica control, and that perhaps they preferred to use some locally produced types instead of pottery made elsewhere. The findings show the power of commoners in shaping their economic lives even under imperial control.