This article examines Group G, a commoner household at the Classic-period Maya site of Chinikihá (a.d. 200–900), to explore how daily practices, household rituals, and architectural histories intersected within domestic space. Excavations revealed well-preserved architecture, including a patio, kitchen, and dwelling, with evidence of construction events, ritual offerings, and long-term maintenance. Soil chemical analyses identified signatures of food preparation, consumption, and maintenance activities through residues of phosphates, proteins, fatty acids, and carbohydrates, alongside charcoal and paleoethnobotanical remains. Combined with botanical evidence such as Guadua (bamboo) and pine (Pinus sp.), these results underscore the importance of kitchens, patios, and altars as spaces of production, memory, and ritual practice. Residues preserved in floors and surfaces provide intimate insights into daily activities while situating households within broader cultural and cosmological frameworks. By focusing on a non-ruling-elite domestic group, this research highlights the resilience of Indigenous technologies and practices and their enduring continuity into modern Maya communities, contributing to broader discussions on social organization, identity, and tradition in ancient Mesoamerica.

Over the past few decades, understandings of cuisine in the Maya area have been radically amplified with the use of new techniques. Some methods offer the opportunity to directly connect artifacts and features with plant foods. The recovery of microscopic food residues from sediments, artifacts, and human teeth has revealed not only a broad list of ingredients but a wide array of practices and recipes. Here, we draw on our previous paleoethnobotanical research across the Maya Lowlands to develop an understanding of Classic-period cuisines, integrating new evidence from the Southern Lowlands.

We consider the emergence of elite foodways and how elite gastronomic practices factored into broader political maneuvers and private performances. We also tentatively suggest a taxonomy of local traditions that did not conform to a strict elite “grammar.” By addressing commonalities and departures from a core and canonic elite cuisine, we highlight how local elite expressions reified culinary norms but also manifested fluidity and flexibility in culinary practice. Paralleling work with other types of elite artifact assemblages, we illuminate how privileged actors drew on broader cultural logics to make their cuisines intelligible, yet also locally improvised in significant ways.

Maya quarries were sites of resource extraction. We cannot forget that they were also sites of labor, collaboration, and personal relationships. In this paper, we explore two case studies: quarrying and transporting limestone at Early Classic Naachtun of Petén, Guatemala, and extracting sascab (powdered limestone) at Late Classic Xunantunich, Belize. We offer quantitative analyses of these tasks using the methodology known as architectural energetics, a methodology designed to investigate ancient building through evidence of its various output activities. But we go farther than abstract calculations to offer relatable and relevant public outcomes through storytelling, highlighting the human-centered aspects of quarrying and construction. Following important precedents, this study offers two examples of how quantitative methodologies can intersect with archaeological storytelling, specifically analyzing how architectural energetic studies can inform narratives intended for public audiences.

Archaeologists have long identified quarries as a ubiquitous part of the landscape in which precolonial Maya populations built their world. Yet, it is only recently that scholars have begun to move away from viewing these quarries simply as places where stones were extracted to recognizing them as important nodes in the social, political, and cultural fabric of the Maya Lowlands. The four articles in this Special Section discuss some of the most recent insights into the lives of those who intimately worked with limestone, inhabited the cratered landscapes created by its extraction, and crafted their worlds through the relationships forged and maintained in the practices of quarrying, processing, and utilizing this material. In this introductory paper, we set the scene by reviewing previous research and outlining the main approaches involved in the documentation, analysis, and interpretation of Maya limestone quarries and production loci. We continue with a discussion of the relevance of quarry investigations for the general study of precolonial Maya societies. We conclude with a brief overview of current methodological trends, followed by a look ahead to the ways in which researchers could take such investigations forward and integrate them into future research agendas.

We present new line drawings of the hieroglyphic inscriptions on Stela 4 (a.d. 796) at the ancient Maya royal capital of Ixkun, Guatemala. Lichen growth makes these texts almost illegible in person, but a photogrammetric model, rendered monochrome in Agisoft Metashape and imaged in Blender 3D, permits almost all the glyphs to be read or reconstructed. According to our interpretation, the main inscription records the journey of a prince of Ixkun to be fostered at Tikal, coordinated between the ruler of Ixkun and Yax Nuun Ahiin II, the king of Tikal. We think this arrangement cemented a new alliance between Tikal and Ixkun, in exchange for which the Ixkun king received a newly elevated royal and ritual status. Another text indicates that a prisoner from the neighboring Ho’kab’ kingdom, represented six years earlier on Stela 1, had survived in captivity for at least that long.

Pole-and-thatch structures built directly on the ground surface were likely common in antiquity in the Maya area as residences, kitchens, workshops, storehouses, and for other uses, although the actual wooden architecture normally decays and often leaves no mounded remains. Various estimates are made to account for these “invisible sites” in population estimates based on mound or plazuela groups. Wooden building posts and associated artifacts preserved in mangrove peat below the sea floor in Punta Ycacos Lagoon, southern Belize provide an opportunity to address population size, material wealth, and household activities at “invisible sites.” The distribution of wooden building posts and artifacts at the Ch’ok Ayin underwater site indicates it was a residential household group with several pole-and-thatch buildings around a plaza. The householders focused on salt production, with artifactual evidence of brine enrichment and brine boiling, in addition to other supporting activities, and participated in Late Classic marketplace trade for goods from varying distances. Holocene sea-level rise that flooded low-lying coastal areas also obscured ancient Maya sites, making them “invisible” in the modern landscape.

While conducting archaeological survey to document the large prehistoric canal systems in the central portion of the Tehuacán Valley, investigators recorded a mound and plaza complex that includes what appears to be an effigy mound in the shape of a scorpion. Large quantities of ceramics, including surface-decorated and polychromes, indicate a Late Classic and Postclassic occupation. The site is interpreted as being part of an intensive agricultural system as it appears centrally located in the context of highly developed agricultural and irrigation infrastructure. For the reasons described, we interpret this ca. 60 meter scorpion effigy mound as an intentional feature with possible astronomical alignments. It is hypothesized as being part of a local civic/ceremonial complex with the possible use/function of observing the summer and winter solstices. If so, it provides an insight into the integration of calendrical ritual with the surrounding complex system of fields and irrigation canals. Admittedly, these observations and explanations are relatively subjective. However, we consider them to be persuasive when the evidence is considered in its entirety.

Tras revisar los datos arqueotanatológicos registrados desde el siglo diecinueve y realizar el análisis bioantropológico de todos los componentes esqueléticos humanos correspondientes, exponemos por primera vez un análisis integral del patrón mortuorio de Palenque-Lakamha’, cuya monumentalización data del Clásico Maya. Describimos la amplia distribución de sepulturas en los diferentes sectores del asentamiento, el elevado número de edificios dedicados a las prácticas funerarias, la preferencia por el uso de cistas, la frecuente colocación de más de un individuo en el mismo espacio sepulcral y la estandarización de la posición extendida en decúbito dorsal, con orientación al norte.

Un aspecto sobresaliente es el reingreso a los sepulcros, particularmente en entierros colectivos, depositados en contenedores de piedra, que presentan remoción, desplazamiento o ingreso de muertos y/o artefactos. Además de la identificación de esta secuencia funeraria que explica la desviación del patrón mortuorio, se propone una interpretación basada en datos etnográficos para entender la interacción entre vivos y muertos.

La distribución de los sepulcros, la prominencia de la actividad post-inhumación y los datos iconográficos y epigráficos sugieren que Palenque-Lakamha’ pudo haber sido un lugar vinculado al pasaje liminal hacia el inframundo, donde la frecuente interacción con los muertos y el importante número de mausoleos permitía entablar diálogos con el sagrado y, por ende, renovar los ciclos cósmicos.

The central Maya lowlands (CML) display an uncommon demographic history—the absence of a millennial population rebound from its former occupational peak, about 800 CE. Here we postulate why the loss of a well-populated CML during the Late Classic-Terminal Classic periods failed to regain substantial occupation during the subsequent 700-800 years before the Spanish conquest of the Maya realm. Updating the narrative of stressful human-environmental conditions, shifts in trade routes, and long-term paucity of occupation in the CML, we examine push-pull factors that affected Postclassic Maya population geography. These factors include population pressures, environmental hazards, resource conditions, and livelihood standards that existed in the Postclassic Period between northern and coastal lowlands and the CML. The advantages that the CML maintained before Postclassic times, foremost regaining superior environmental conditions for agriculture, were insufficient pull factors given the low levels of push factors in the northern and coastal lowlands. We draw attention to the under-treated problem—the failure of a population rebound in the CML—and encourage improvements in systematic data and analytics to address it, including consideration of non-material, socio-cultural factors.

This article examines the measurement systems used in the built environment of Xochicalco, a significant Epiclassic archaeological site located in Central Mexico. Through careful analysis of the dimensions of the various structures, we identified two primary measurement units: U7 (1.47 m) and U8 (1.68 m). These units exhibit similarities to the Mayan zapal and Nahua maitl, which have been previously documented across diverse temporal contexts and other regions within Mesoamerica. The investigation revealed patterns in the application of these units related to orientation, functionality, and construction methods, indicating meticulous planning and potential symbolic importance. The frequent use of measurements that are multiples of three, four, nine, and twelve times the base units suggests the utilization of standardized measuring instruments. This study enhances our understanding of Mesoamerican measurement practices, particularly at Xochicalco, and provides insights into cultural interactions and construction traditions during the Epiclassic period.

Maya Blue is a unique hybrid pigment created by combining organic indigo with the inorganic clay mineral palygorskite. First used for architectonic decoration in the Terminal Preclassic, it became widespread in the Late Classic on figurines, murals, and elite ceramics. Unlike indigo, it is notable for its durability and resistance to degradation by acids, alkalines, organic solvents and fading. The authors analyzed 17 samples of Maya Blue on pottery from the Late-Terminal Classic periods, a.d. 680–860, from Buenavista del Cayo, Belize. Using laser ablation inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS), it was determined that the palygorskite in these samples likely came from Sacalum, Yucatan, some 375 km away. The authors suggest several routes by which palygorskite might have been transported from Yucatán to Buenavista. The pigment or knowledge of how to produce it likely was conveyed through high-status exchanges rather than commercial trade. Maya Blue held significant cultural and religious importance. It symbolized water and rain and was associated with the god Chaahk. Maya Blue appeared initially at Buenavista on architecture and rare imported ceramics but its use gradually increased on locally produced Belize Valley wares. Use at Buenavista peaked in the early 9th century before disappearing around a.d. 860. The study demonstrates the potential of trace element analysis in identifying long-distance social interactions in ancient Mesoamerica.

Greenstone is commonly used to produce culturally significant items across Mesoamerica, including axes, earspools, figurines, and beads. This research characterizes the mineralogy of greenstone materials recovered from sites in the Jovel Valley, Chiapas, Mexico, to document the range of green minerals utilized by the inhabitants. Our analysis of the objects suggests that the Late Classic and Early Postclassic Maya of the Jovel Valley had access to a variety of greenstone minerals, including serpentinites, green micas, grossular, and jadeite. X-ray diffraction and X-ray fluorescence spectrometry characterization of reference materials suggests procurement of greenstone resources from the well-documented sources of the Motagua–Polochic Fault Zone, and also potentially from sources in the Chalchihuitán–Chenalhó area of Chiapas, Mexico. The Jovel Valley had access to materials over long distances through historically documented trade routes that allowed the movement of greenstone materials west from the Motagua River Valley into highland Chiapas or south from the Chalchihuitán–Chenalhó area.

We present a synthesis of treatment of the dead from before 700 b.c. to the fifteenth century a.d. in the lower Ulúa River Valley of northern Honduras. Building on evidence of burial alignments to a prominent mountain first identified for the Classic period, we argue that mortuary rituals served to integrate politically independent communities within a shared cosmological landscape. We identify alignment of burials toward the same mountain beginning in the Middle Formative period. At this time, a cycle of mortuary treatment resulted in bodies of some of the dead being commingled in shared secondary burial sites in caves, significant locations in the cosmological landscape. During the Classic period, secondary mortuary treatment continued, now performed within settlements again united by orientation to a shared cosmological landscape. The addition of solar alignments may be evidence of adoption by some families of Lowland Maya cosmological beliefs. This impression is solidified in Postclassic burial practices that align closely with those of specific Lowland Maya societies. We argue that the afterlife cycles through which the living interacted with the dead, in a tension between individualization and communal belonging, included strategies through which social relations, community histories, and ties among communities were created.

During the Late Classic (a.d. 600–900), Maya stone monuments from the Western Lowlands documented people with the sajal title. This position was associated with corporate group leaders who acted as governors of secondary sites, supervised warfare-related activities, and manufactured and distributed goods. The increase in records, along with the elaboration of monuments by sajals with differing narratives from those of the rulers, has been identified as a contributing factor to the regional political instability that led to the abandonment of Classic Maya capitals. This article aims to analyze monuments from the political spheres of Yaxchilan, Piedras Negras, and Palenque using a discourse analysis approach to identify the discursive strategies sajals used to showcase and strengthen their hierarchical positions. To accomplish this, I will analyze the discourse in relation to the intermediality of monuments to examine how sajals rivaled the rulers of these cities. Additionally, I will explore the correlation between these discourses and the sociopolitical transformations that preceded the regional collapse in the ninth century a.d.

La Milpa, situated in northern Belize, stands out as one of the region's largest archaeological sites, having served as the capital of an ancient Maya city-state. Its significance is indicated by extensive monumental architecture, with the epicenter covering approximately 8.8 ha. The site's corpus of monuments, comprising 23 stelae and several altars, underscores its prominence in northern Belize, rivaling the corpora of sites such as Nim li Punit and Caracol. Despite its remote location, La Milpa has garnered the attention of researchers, particularly since the first modern survey of the site in 1988. Subsequent studies—in particular, that by Nikolai Grube in the 1990s—has provided detailed analyses of the site's corpus of carved monuments. Recent efforts, including epigraphic documentation in 2019, serve to enhance our understanding of La Milpa's dynastic history through traditional epigraphic and computational photographic methods. Utilizing field observations, raking light photography, and 3D photogrammetric models, we have refined previous analyses and provide new insights into the iconography and textual segments of the monuments. Here, we present the results of these recent efforts as well as our new analyses of a selection of monuments.

This article unpacks a Nahuatl metaphor based on the kin term hueltiuh, “man's elder sister,” used in multiple sixteenth-century Nahuatl texts and their Spanish derivatives. Through a minute analysis of several Nahua stories, the article identifies various roles described with this term: spies, “toothed-vagina” femmes fatales, heart-eating monsters, and seducers. Applying a method borrowed from cognitive linguistics, it then constructs a model of “man's elder sister,” which explains the application of this metaphor to different contexts. In Nahua stories, hueltiuh is usually a female mediator who throws the male characters off balance, leading to a new status quo. Confusingly, this metaphor often appears where one would expect a real kinship term and in a way that makes identifying its symbolic meaning difficult. These complications have led scholars to see (only) genealogical information in stories concerned with symbolic rather than genealogical relations between elite members or deities. The results presented here allow for refining our understanding of some famous Nahua narratives, such as the one on Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl's abandonment of Tollan. They also invite a rethinking of our views on the Nahua (Aztec) pantheon of gods, whose figurative “family bonds” may, in fact, indicate complex nonkinship relations and dependencies.

The site of Guiengola is an example of one of the settlements built by the Zapotecs during their fourteenth- to fifteenth-century migration to the Southern Isthmus of Tehuantepec. Although Guiengola is well known in the ethnohistorical record as being the place where the Mexica armies were defeated by Zapotec forces during the late fifteenth century, the full extension of the site was previously unknown. Despite evidence of a dense population at the site, it has been mistakenly characterized as a fortress for housing soldiers and troops from the nearby town of Tehuantepec. Here, I present the research of the Guiengola Archeological Project, which conducted a lidar scan and archaeological surveys between 2018 and 2023. In this article, I share a comprehensive map of Guiengola, a Postclassic Mesoamerican city. My analysis identifies a large settlement that covered 360 ha and included a walled system of fortifications, an internal road network, and a hierarchically organized city. The findings of this project expand our understanding of the variations and social divisions in the city's internal urban organization, which in turn, allow us to deepen our comprehension of the transition to the Early Colonial barrio organization of Tehuantepec.