Prosecutors in adversarial systems are simultaneously expected to be impartial ministers of justice and partisan advocates. Leaving this tension unaddressed can result in poor-quality prosecutorial decision-making. This article develops a novel “dynamic” framework for prosecutors to navigate between and prioritize these competing considerations, which can be used to understand, evaluate, and improve prosecutorial performance. Under this framework, the prioritization should depend on which function the prosecutor is exercising at any given time. The article then deploys primary data collected in Delhi, through court observation and interviews with judges, lawyers, victims, and victim-support persons, to exemplify and justify the framework.

Crystal structures, microtopography, morphologies, elemental compositions, and ionic conductivity have been investigated for Li5-xLa3(Nb,Ta)O12-y using X-ray diffraction (XRD), field-emission analytical scanning and transmission electron microscopies (S/TEM), and electrochemical impedance spectroscopy. Using Rietveld refinements with powder XRD patterns, we determined that the number of Li atoms in the formula is less than 5 and that Li5-xLa3(NbTa)O12-y crystallizes in the cubic garnet structure with a space group Ia-3d. Sintering at varying temperatures (750–1000 °C) for 5 h in an ambient atmosphere produced distinct outcomes. Rietveld refinements disclosed that the sample sintered at 1000 °C (Li3.43(2)La3Nb1.07(2)Ta0.93(2)O12-y, a = 12.8361(7) Å, V = 2114.96(3) Å3) exhibited the highest ionic conductivity, while the 850 °C sample had the lowest conductivity, characterized by lower Li concentration and impurity phases (Li(Nb,Ta)3O88, Li2CO3). Analyses, including XRD and electron microscopy, confirmed the 1000 °C sample as a relatively phase pure with enhanced Li content (Li/La = 1.2), larger grains (15 μm), and uniform crystallinity. The 1000 °C sample introduced additional partially filled Li3 (96h) sites, promoting Li migration, and enhancing ionic conductivity. The resulting XRD pattern at 1000 °C has been submitted to the Powder Diffraction File as a reference.

Orphanhood in Tolstoy has largely escaped critical examination, in part because though the writer himself was an orphan, his texts say little about the topic explicitly. But in fact thinking about orphans' trauma is everywhere in the pre-crisis fiction. Tolstoy draws orphans and non-orphans as fundamentally morally different. All his major protagonists are orphans and want to marry non-orphans. Further, many of his novelistic tics, and many critical insights into Tolstoy generally, actually apply only to characters who are motherless. War and Peace and Anna Karenina can be read as the author's running debate with himself: is an escape available for the traumatized from their pain later in life? If so, it would mean life is good and God is kind. Both books answer yes and demand orphans renounce their permanent sense of grievance against life for their losses. But in their final scenes Tolstoy confesses his optimism was false; life is not fair, and psyches damaged by orphanhood can never fully recover.

Writers and readers cocreate books. Over time, certain readings, even if they are misreadings, come to summarize the book so thoroughly that the book gets transformed into a chapter, a paragraph, a sentence. While chapter 7 of Unmarked, “The Ontology of Performance,” is the most frequently cited, the Afterword’s meditation on misunderstanding may be the most hopeful for future scholarship.

Is it possible to do ideology critique without morality? In recent years a small group of theorists has attempted to develop such an account and, in doing so, makes claim to a certain sort of “radical realism” distinguished by the ambition to ground political judgments and prescriptions in nonmoral values, principles, or concepts. This essay presents a twofold critique of this realist ideology critique (RIC) by first offering an internal critique of the approach and then arguing that the very attempt to do political theory generally—and ideology critique more specifically—in a way that abjures morality is misguided. In doing so, I contribute both to current debates around “new” ideology critiques and to contested questions about what it means to do political theory realistically.

The Soviet Extraordinary State Commission (Chrezvychainaia gosudarstvennaia komissiia, ChGK) was founded on November 2, 1942. From the outset, photography and eyewitnesses were vital resources for conveying the horrors of the German occupation. Refuting accusations that the USSR was responsible for massacring Polish prisoners of war in Katyn forest further magnified the importance of generating an irrefutable record of Nazi guilt. This article examines the efforts of Stalin's government to bury the Katyn lie beneath images of genuine victims of Hitler's regime. Tracing the diverse origins of the ChGK's photographs and supporting testimony brings into focus the reasons why wartime observers found the Soviet falsification convincing. ChGK materials should be approached as artifacts of mass mobilization. By disentangling these pictures and pages from their propagandistic uses, researchers can move closer to understanding the symbiotic relationship between official narratives and personal truths in the USSR as well as the post-Soviet Russian Federation.

Until recently, scholars have generally neglected to examine the socialist inspirations of the Republic of Indonesia's most influential Islamic party, Masjumi (Partai Majelis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia, 1943–60) during Indonesia's parliamentary democracy period (1950–59). Drawing on books published by Masjumi politicians as well as an Indonesian translation of the Syrian Islamic socialist Mustafa al-Siba'i's Islamic Socialism (1949), this article explores how two prominent Masjumi members, Zainal Abidin Ahmad and Isa Anshary, drew on socialist ideas in forming their political visions for Indonesia, as part of a broader ongoing debate in the wider Muslim world. In contrast to popular perceptions of Indonesian political Islam today, as well as Cold War-centric characterisations of Islamic political parties, this article shows how Muslim democrats in 1950s Indonesia emphasised socio-economic justice and compassion in their articulations of political Islam.

This article examines the month-long epidemic outbreak of Asian Flu in 1957 in the Colony of Singapore that occurred as part of the larger 1957–58 Asian Flu Pandemic. The notably short duration of this epidemic outbreak in Singapore relative to the prolonged Asian Flu experience in other countries poses significant socio-historical intrigue. In response, this article constructs a socio-historical narrative of Singapore's societal response to the event, focusing specifically on the reactions of the state and the colony residents. Studying the social narratives that emerged from official and popular discourses, this article argues that Singapore's societal response to the epidemic outbreak bifurcated drastically between the state and the public as a result of different and contradictory perceptions of public health and epidemic severity. Owing to extenuating circumstances, state interventions were, overall, reactive and insufficient, permitting the Asian Flu's rapid spread in the colony. The public, however, sought active control over their epidemic fates, as they were driven by a mixture of fear, greed, and civic duty to self-medicate, profiteer, and provide aid to one another. Consulting an eclectic range of hitherto underutilised primary sources, the article constructs a compelling socio-historical narrative that furthers understanding of Singapore's state-society relations.