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Is political science research that explores gender and LGBTQIA+ politics still underrepresented in the discipline’s top journals? This article examines publication trends in gender research and LGBTQIA+ research in five top political science journals, between 2017 and 2023 (inclusive). I find that gender research and LGBTQIA+ research together account for 5% to 7% of published research in the selected top journals; however, most of this research is on gender politics rather than LGBTQIA+ politics. Overall, gender research and LGBTQIA+ research largely appears in top journals when it conforms to disciplinary norms about methods and author gender. The majority of published gender and LGBTQIA+ research is quantitative. Men author gender research at rates almost three times their membership in the American Political Science Association’s Women, Gender, and Politics research section and also are overrepresented as authors of LGBTQIA+ research. This study suggests that editorial teams’ signaling influences which manuscripts land at which journals.
This paper analyses the performance of the Australian and New Zealand Satellite-Based Augmentation System (Aus-NZ SBAS) test-bed to evaluate its use in civil aviation applications with a focus on dual-frequency multi-constellation (DFMC) signals. The Aus-NZ SBAS test-bed performance metrics were determined using kinematic data recorded in flight across a variety of environments and operational conditions. A total of 14 tests adding up to 32 h of flight were evaluated. Flight test data were processed in both the L1 SBAS and DFMC SBAS modes supported by the test-bed broadcasts. The performance results are reviewed regarding accuracy, availability and integrity metrics and compared with the requirement thresholds defined by the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) for Precision Approach (PA) flight operations. The experimentation performed does not allow continuity assessment as specified in the standard due to a long-term statistical requirement and inherent limitations imposed by the reference station network. Analysis of flight test results shows that DFMC SBAS provides several performance improvements over single-frequency SBAS, tightening both horizontal and vertical protection levels and resulting in greater service availability during the approach.
Social policy has not systematically addressed linguistic disadvantage and its enactment through welfare policies and practices. In this state-of-the-art article, we review literature on linguistic disadvantage in various fields, highlighting its dialogue with broader social policy research on inclusive and exclusive tendencies within welfare policies and practices. We distinguish between three thematically separate, yet intertwined, perspectives that we find important for future research: (1) language policy, linguistic disadvantage, and social (in)justice; (2) language ideologies and current nativist ideologies and discourses; and (3) the influence of (1) and (2) on the enactment of welfare policies at the street-level. We argue that more direct focus on issues of language and linguistic disadvantage is needed in social policy research. Particularly, it would benefit from a stronger conceptualisation that recognises how language policies and ideologies surface in minority language speakers’ relational encounters with the street-level welfare state, leading to linguistic disadvantage and discrimination.
Today, social media has become an essential part of both private and professional life, especially in cultural institutions such as museum libraries. Museum libraries have recognized the importance of social media as a fast and constant source of information. With their increasing presence, employees in museum libraries have realized the need to determine which social networks are used and for what purposes. Social media allows for active, but virtual, interaction and provides new opportunities for developing intercultural collaborations. Social media technologies include: text messages, illustrations, photos, animations, music, and audio-video content. By using social media, individuals are able to express their opinion to a wide public, so they are, more than ever, relying on intercultural communication and cooperation.
A species new to science, Micarea svetlanae, is described from the southern part of the Russian Far East based on morphological, chemical and molecular data. This species is closely related to M. isidioprasina, which also has the micareic acid, the granular-isidiate thallus with Sedifolia-grey pigment, and crystalline granules in the hymenium and thallus, but differs in the cushion-shaped thallus, the presence of Sedifolia-grey pigment in the hymenium, numerous crystalline granules in the hymenium and hypothecium and 0–2(3)-septate ascospores. The results of the phylogenetic reconstruction place M. svetlanae in the M. prasina group. Morphological features and data on ecology, distribution and secondary metabolites are presented in detail in the paper. This new lichen species is named in honour of the Russian lichenologist Dr Svetlana Tchabanenko, who devoted her life to the study of lichens of the Russian Far East.
The connection between populism and democracy is widely researched. Most of the literature focuses on populist actors (e.g., parties, leaders, and governments) as it examines the intricacies of this relationship. Some of the resulting takeaways have become embedded firmly in scholarship and are currently considered accepted knowledge across the discipline. Scholars have only recently started focusing on the individual-level relationship between populism and democracy. As a result, our knowledge remains limited and is often based on the assumption that what holds for populist actors also will hold for populist citizens. The first part of this article briefly reviews the state of the art on the individual-level relationship between populism and democracy. Drawing from this review, we identify several theoretical and empirical gaps and limitations in the literature that future research should address. We conclude that contemporary scholarship has made important contributions, but more nuanced and targeted research is necessary to comprehensively understand the intricacies between populism and democracy on the individual level.
Alan Strudler’s “Lying about Reservation Prices in Business Negotiation: A Qualified Defense” challenges a number of claims I make in a prior essay, “A Lie Is a Lie: The Ethics of Lying in Business Negotiations.” Here, I examine Strudler’s critique and seek to refute his various arguments—in particular, those based on assumption of risk and the signalling value of reservation price lies.