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Discontent in Britain’s Thirteen Colonies had built to open violence by the mid-1770s, much of it occurring in and around Boston. (See Map 19.) A lack of representation and perceptions that British leaders pursued overbearing policies because they were indifferent or even hostile to the plight of the inhabitants pushed ever more colonists towards open rebellion. In response, the tools Britain possessed to confront its colonial troubles were limited by the nature of its government and the few instruments at its disposal. These included the army and navy, but their use at Boston only exacerbated tensions. Fighting flared on 19 April 1775 when British soldiers attempted to seize munitions at Concord, Massachusetts. Along the way, at Lexington, shots were fired and several colonists were killed. Afterwards, colonists sniped at and harried the British on their return to Boston. In the wake of Lexington and Concord, American militia gathered around Boston, surrounding its British garrison. Nearly two months after the outbreak of hostilities, the Americans seized and fortified the strategic Charlestown Peninsula overlooking Boston harbour. In response, the British stormed the position in what became known as the battle of Bunker Hill: the first major battle of the American Revolution. At the end of the day, the British held the field, but at the cost of nearly a quarter of their army in Boston.
The 2007 adoption of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) marked a critical juncture in the area of Indigenous rights. As a nonbinding agreement, its adoption is at the discretion of each state, resulting in significant state-level variation. Importantly, within-state variations remain underexplored. These differences are potentially significant in federal, decentralized countries such as Canada. This article examines why some provinces and territories lead in implementing the key principles embedded in UNDRIP, whereas others have dragged their feet. We collected 230 Canadian regulations introduced at the subnational level between 2007 and 2023, and assessed the impact of three key variables (i.e. political ideology, resource politics and issue voting). We found that none of these variables explained within-state variations on their own. To further explore the role of these variables, we subsequently compared two provinces at different stages of the UNDRIP implementation spectrum (Québec and British Columbia).
This article examines the Canada-United States Safe Third Country Agreement (STCA) in relation to a growing literature on bureaucrats’ role in immigration policy making, while challenging interpretations of the agreement as a “Europeanization” of Canadian policy. Canada is a prototypical liberal “migration state” that balances economic considerations, national security, rights and broader cultural concerns through its immigration regime. We open the “black box” of the state to examine how bureaucratic decision making informed the development of Canada’s asylum system. Drawing on interviews, archival materials and government documents, we show bureaucrats simultaneously sought to manage asylum backlogs and ensure compliance with international obligations while countering advocacy group opposition. The STCA reflects a uniquely Canadian approach to balancing competing imperatives in refugee policy, highlighting the role of bureaucrats in shaping immigration policy within domestic and international constraints. This research contributes to understanding the historical development of migration control policies in liberal democracies.
Research demonstrates that English- and French-speaking Canadians differ in a wide range of attitudes, including their political preferences, their vision of the Canadian federation and their national identity. In this article, we ask whether individual bilingualism is associated with a decrease in the attitudinal differences between anglophones and francophones. Using survey data collected in the summer of 2023, we attempt to determine whether knowledge of the French language is related to an increase in the responsiveness of English-speaking citizens toward issues that typically preoccupy French-speaking Canadians. Our analyses suggest that knowledge of French as a second language is strongly linked to the political preferences of Canadian citizens but does not bridge the attitudinal gap between Canada’s two main language groups. These results highlight the relevance of considering the different languages that people speak—and not just their mother tongue—to understand their political attitudes.
Globally, several health technology assessment (HTA) agencies have started to incorporate environmental considerations into their assessments, given healthcare systems’ substantial environmental footprint. In Canada, two HTA agencies, the Canadian Drug Agency and the Institut national d’excellence en santé et en services sociaux, have announced measures to help mitigate healthcare’s contribution to climate change. Our aim was to review reports from both agencies to identify those incorporating environmental considerations.
Methods
We retrieved reports published between 1 May 2023 and 1 December 2024 by the two agencies.
Results
We identifed 202 reports, of which eleven were included. These reports covered diverse technologies, with greenhouse gas emissions and waste production being the most frequently considered environmental dimensions. Parallel evaluation was the predominant method for integrating environmental considerations. We believe that the limited number of reports included may reflect the challenges of incorporating such considerations into HTAs.
Conclusion
By addressing these challenges, HTA agencies could play a pivotal role in guiding decisions that align with environmental goals.
Affective polarization is often blamed on the rise of partisan news. However, self-reported measures of news consumption suffer serious flaws. We often have limited ability to characterize partisan media audiences outside of the United States. I use a behavioural data set of 728 respondents whose online behaviour was tracked over four weeks during the 2019 Canadian federal election. These data were paired to a survey for a subset of respondents. I find that audiences for partisan media are small, and web traffic is driven by an even smaller share of the population. There are few major partisan differences in news media use, and partisan news exposure is higher among highly attentive, sophisticated news consumers, rather than those with strong political commitments.
There is a lack of knowledge on deaths related to police use of force across Canada. Tracking (In)Justice is a research project that is trying to make sense of the life and death outcomes of policing through developing a collaborative, interdisciplinary, and open-source database using publicly available sources. With a collaborative data governance approach, which includes communities most impacted and families of those killed by police, we document and analyze 745 cases of police-involved deaths when intentional force is used across Canada from 2000 to 2023. The data indicate a steady rise in deaths, in particular shooting deaths, as well as that Black and Indigenous people are over-represented. We conclude with reflections on the ethical complexities of datafication, knowledge development of what we call death data and the challenges of enumerating deaths, pitfalls of official sources, the data needs of communities, and the living nature of the Tracking (In)Justice project.
This article asks why states choose to explicitly label themselves as feminist and critically examines the case of Canada. Drawing on constructivist insights, I suggest that identity insecurity is a key contextual factor driving states’ decision to adopt a feminist branding. Through a thematic analysis of 1,551 statements from the Canadian House of Commons and additional documents published by the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development from 2006 to 2017, I find that Canada’s choice to adopt a feminist brand occurred within a broader context of identity insecurity, with gender equality emerging as a strategic area to enhance the country’s role through strengthened leadership in this sector. This article advances the study of feminist foreign policies by highlighting the strategic motivations behind the adoption of the feminist label, offering insights into its diffusion despite differing levels of commitment to gender equality.
Dominion generals truly believed that they might need a corps-sized army formation, or something close to it, in the not-too-distant future. They had just assembled big armies to fight a big war, so the possibility of having to do it again sometime soon was not so remote to them as it appears to us 100 years later. Their first instincts were to preserve as much army as possible. Senior officers in Canada proposed a permanent force of 20 000–30 000 and a compulsory service militia of 300 000 soldiers. Australia’s generals wanted a permanent force of 3500 professionals to train a militia of 130 000 troops, which could expand to 182 000 in wartime. And they suggested that the Commonwealth Government implement ‘measures for the utilization for a definite period of the trained personnel of the A.I.F’ to put things on the right path.
Women are eligible to serve in virtually all roles in the Australian Defence Force and the Canadian Armed Forces. The contributions of women at home and abroad reach back to the establishment of women’s services during the Second World War, and to nursing services during the First World War and other conflicts such as the Korean and Vietnam wars. More recently women have served in numerous conflict zones, including on the battlefields of Afghanistan. While there are notable differences in the historical journey, there are also important similarities that have shaped the experiences of women in the militaries of Australia and Canada.
This second chapter on transnational approaches to grand corruption looks at other ways to pressure corrupt governments when internal controls like the judiciary or auditors don’t work. It looks at individual or “smart” sanctions for human rights violations or grand corruption in the US, EU, UK, Canada and elsewhere. It then considers cases based on extraterritorial jurisdiction, private standards and certifications, and conditions placed by international development banks and agencies as sources of pressure and redress.
The comparative literature has devoted considerable attention to why individuals join political parties. This is especially important in the context of the declining party membership and activism that political parties face in contemporary politics. While the question of why members join parties has been well-documented, considerably less work has considered incentives to join other party positions. In the Canadian case, for example, we know very little about the incentives to join an electoral district association (EDA). This is surprising given the consequential role—both formal and informal—that local party associations and their presidents have been known to play in intra-party politics (influencing candidate nomination, membership recruitment and so forth). This study applies Clark and Wilson's (1961) framework of material, solidary and purposive incentives to local party association membership and asks why individuals join their local party executive and whether this motivation shapes the subsequent character of the EDA.
Exposure to COVID-19 messaging that conflates older age with risk/infirmity has been suggested to have negative effects on older people’s sense of personal agency (i.e., sense of capacity to exercise control over one’s life).
Objectives
This qualitative study sought to determine how older adults perceived this vulnerability narrative within early COVID-19 public messaging and how this may have influenced their personal agency.
Methods
Semi-structured interviews with 15 community-dwelling older adults in Manitoba were completed and analysed using inductive thematic analysis.
Findings
Study findings suggest that early COVID-19 public health messaging created associations between vulnerability and older age that increased the participants’ sense of age-related risk. As a response, many participants described engaging in certain actions (e.g., lifestyle behaviours, following public health protocols, coping mechanisms) to potentially increase their feelings of personal agency.
Discussion
This study suggests that creators of public messaging pertaining to older age must be mindful of the ways that it may fuel a vulnerability narrative.
As the personalization of e-commerce transactions continues to intensify, the law and policy implications of algorithmic personalized pricing (APP) should be top of mind for regulators. Price is often the single most important term of consumer transactions. APP is a form of online discriminatory pricing practice whereby suppliers set prices based on consumers’ personal information with the objective of getting as close as possible to their maximum willingness to pay. As such, APP raises issues of competition, privacy, personal data protection, contract, consumer protection, and anti-discrimination law.
This book chapter looks at the legality of APP from a Canadian perspective in competition, commercial consumer law, and personal data protection law.
Indigenous Peoples in Canada are comprised of First Nations, Inuit and Métis and are the youngest and fastest growing population in the country. However, there is limited knowledge of how they are affected by multiple sclerosis (MS), the most common nontraumatic neurological disease of young adults, with Canada having one of the highest prevalences in the world. In this narrative review, we outline the limited studies conducted with Indigenous Peoples living with MS in Canada and the gaps in the literature. From the limited data we have, the prevalence of MS in Indigenous Peoples is lower, but the disease appears to be more aggressive. Given the dearth of Canadian data, we explore the worldwide MS studies of Indigenous populations. Lastly, we explore ways in which we can improve our understanding of MS among Indigenous Peoples in Canada, which entails building trust and meaningful relationships with these communities and acknowledging past and ongoing injustices. Furthermore, healthcare professionals conducting research with Indigenous Peoples should undergo training in cultural safety and data sovereignty, including principles of ownership, control, access and possession to have greater engagement with Indigenous communities to conduct more relevant research. With joint efforts between healthcare professionals and Indigenous communities, the scientific research community can be positioned to conduct better, more appropriate and desperately needed research, ultimately with improvements in the delivery of care to Indigenous Peoples living with MS in Canada.
Poor diets and food insecurity during adolescence can have long-lasting effects, and Métis youth may be at higher risk. This study, as part of the Food and Nutrition Security for Manitoba Youth study, examines dietary intakes, food behaviours and health indicators of Métis compared with non-Métis youth.
Design:
This observational cross-sectional study involved a cohort of adolescents who completed a self-administered web-based survey on demographics, dietary intake (24-h recall), food behaviours, food security and select health indicators.
Setting:
Manitoba, Canada
Participants:
Participants included 1587 Manitoba grade nine students, with 135 (8·5 %) self-identifying as Métis, a distinct Indigenous nation living in Canada.
Results:
Median intake of sugar was significantly higher in Métis (89·2 g) compared with non-Métis (76·3 g) participants. Percent energy intake of saturated fat was also significantly higher in Métis (12·4 %) than non-Métis (11·6 %) participants. Median intakes of grain products and meat and alternatives servings were significantly lower among Métis than non-Métis (6·0 v. 7·0 and 1·8 v. 2·0, respectively) participants. Intake of other foods was significantly higher in Métis (4·0) than non-Métis (3·0). Significantly more Métis participants were food insecure (33·1 %) compared with non-Métis participants (19·1 %). Significantly more Métis participants ate family dinners and breakfast less often than non-Métis participants and had lower self-reported health. Significantly more Métis participants had a BMI classified as obese compared with non-Métis participants (12·6 % v. 7·1 %).
Conclusions:
The dietary intakes observed in this study, both among Métis and non-Métis youth, are concerning. Many have dietary patterns that put them at risk for developing health issues in the future.
In Canada in 2021, people with non-life-limiting health conditions and disabilities became eligible for medical assistance in dying (MAiD). New legislative safeguards include a ninety-day assessment period and a requirement that health professionals engage with the person requesting MAiD about ‘means available to relieve their suffering’ (MARS). Government communications about the MARS safeguards emphasise distinct policy objectives, that we illustrate by analysing two texts. We then report on an ongoing study with health professionals involved in MAiD. In interviews, participants described supporting patients to imagine possibilities for feeling differently, creatively devising interventions, and actively connecting patients with (and in some cases bringing about) services and resources. Drawing on literature on front-line policy making we show how discourses of expert communication, care, and advocacy animate a specific translation of the MARS safeguards, one that recognises social and relational as well as deliberative autonomy, and reflects a range of MAiD policy goals.
To examine the proportion of products offered by leading food brands in Canada that are ‘unhealthy’ according to Health Canada’s (HC) nutrient profile model for proposed restrictions on food marketing to children (M2K-NPM).
Design:
Nutritional information for products offered by top brands was sourced from the University of Toronto FLIP and Menu-FLIP 2020 databases, respectively. HC’s M2K-NPM, which includes thresholds for Na, total sugars and saturated fat, was applied to products.
Setting:
Canada.
Participants:
Overall, 1385 products from top breakfast cereal (n 15 brands, n 222 products), beverage (n 21 brands, n 769 products) and yogurt (n 10 brands, n 394 products) brands, and 3153 menu items from seventeen chain restaurants in Canada were assessed (n 60 unique brands overall).
Results:
For 42 % of brands (n 21), 100 % of their products exceeded ≥1 nutrient threshold(s), with ≥50 % of the products offered by twenty-three brands (46 %) exceeding two thresholds. Specifically, one or more nutrient thresholds were exceeded by ≥50 % of the products offered by 14/15 breakfast cereal brands, 18/21 beverage brands, all ten yogurt brands and all seventeen restaurant brands. Notably, 100·0 % of the products offered by ten breakfast cereal, six beverage, two yogurt and three restaurant brands exceeded ≥1 threshold(s).
Conclusions:
Most products offered by top food brands in Canada exceeded HC’s M2K-NPM thresholds. Nonetheless, these brands could still be marketed under the proposed regulations, which exclude brand marketing (i.e. promotions without an identifiable product) despite its contribution to marketing power. These findings reinforce the need for Canada and other countries to include brand marketing in M2K policies.
There is limited information on rare spinocerebellar ataxia (SCA) variants, particularly in the Canadian population. This study aimed to describe the demographic and clinical features of uncommon SCA subtypes in Canada and compare them with international data.
Methods:
We conducted a case series and literature review of adult patients with rare SCA subtypes, including SCA5, SCA7, SCA12, SCA14, SCA15, SCA28, SCA34, SCA35 and SCA36. Data were collected from medical centers in Ontario, Alberta and Quebec between January 2000 and February 2021.
Results:
We analyzed 25 patients with rare SCA subtypes, with onset ages ranging from birth to 67 years. Infantile and juvenile-onset cases were observed in SCA5, SCA7, SCA14 and SCA34. Most patients presented with gait ataxia, with no significant differences across groups. Additional common features included saccadic abnormalities (22 of 25), dysarthria (19 of 25) and nystagmus (12 of 22, except in SCA7). Less common findings included dystonia (8 of 25), cognitive impairment (7 of 25), tremor (9 of 25) and parkinsonism (3 of 25).
Conclusion:
Our study highlights the heterogeneity of rare SCA subtypes in Canada. Ongoing longitudinal analysis will improve the understanding, management and screening of these disorders.