We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
This chapter assesses the effects of intra-industry trade on lobbying in the EU. It includes the results of analysis of an original dataset of EU-based lobbying over several trade agreements. First, the chapter briefly discusses the nature of trade policy in the EU, and then surveys the literature on the politics of trade in Europe, with a focus on the state of our knowledge about the character of political coalitions and the involvement of industry associations and individual firms in the trade policymaking process. Second, the chapter discusses the role of intra-industry trade in the EU and presents an argument about the way that IIT has eroded the ability of European industry associations to lobby jointly over trade policy. Third, the chapter introduces the dataset used to assess the argument and discusses the quantitative analysis and results. The results support the theory developed in this book and demonstrate that IIT affects societal coalitions across diverse institutional contexts.
Economists have modelled the economic rationale for intra-industry trade, yet political scientists largely have neglected it until recently. Every Firm for Itself explores how dramatic shifts in the way countries trade have radically changed trade politics in the US and EU. It explores how electorally minded policymakers respond to heavy lobbying by powerful corporations and provide trade policies that further advantage these large firms. It explains puzzling empirical phenomena such as the rise of individual firm lobbying, the decline of broad trade coalitions, the decline of labor union activity in trade politics, and the rising public backlash to globalization due to trade politics becoming increasingly dominated by large firms. With an approach that connects economics and politics, this book shows how contemporary trading patterns among rich countries undermine longstanding coalitions and industry associations that once successfully represented large and small firms alike.
Amateur and professional athletes often consume protein supplements to accelerate muscle gain; however, it has been suggested that these products not only are associated with risks when consumed excessively. Several recent reports have indicated that certain products are contaminated with heavy metals. Therefore, in this study, we aimed to investigate protein powders in Hungary for heavy metal contamination. A total of 22 commercially available protein powders (including whey, vegan, and beef based) were purchased on the internet for testing. We analysed the samples using laser-induced breakdown spectroscopy (LIBS) and inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (ICP-MS) to assess heavy metal contamination. The products were analysed for the presence of 16 elements (Be, Al, Cr, Mn, Co, Ni, Cu, As, Se, Rb, Cd, Sb, Cs, Ba, Hg, and Pb). The LIBS spectral analysis revealed the characteristics of the protein elements (C, C2, H, N, and O) and alkaline metals (Ca, Na, K, and Mg), which were consistent with the previous results. Neither LIBS nor ICP-MS measurements detected significant heavy metal content in the investigated samples above the limit specified in the regulations. Heavy metal contamination of protein supplements can be a serious health threat. Based on the varied results of the previous studies, it is prudent to include testing for heavy metals as part of the routine and mandatory quality control of these products.
The need for critical minerals for various technologies for commercial and defense use has led to a range of national policy interventions. However, many of these new laws to encourage mining, or protect local industries have not considered as scientific data on mineral reserves or the economic viability of setting specific targets. The EU’s Critical Raw Materials Act is a pivotal case in point that illustrates this challenge. We present a review of the range of laws and policies that have been set forth worldwide.
Technical Summary
Growing international conflict between countries that have large mineral production and processing capacity and those which are in demand of critical raw materials for new technologies has led to a proliferation of policies that promote resource nationalism or ‘friend-shoring’. We analyzed over 400 critical raw material policies to date that have been documented by the International Energy Agency's policy tracking tool and present the findings of the six most active jurisdictions. The EU's Critical Raw Materials Act which came into force in May 2024 stands out as the most significant legislative step taken thus far but needs better interface with environmental and social data on impacts and benefits. By analyzing the challenges faced by lithium mining projects across a range of technologies and geographic locations in Europe, we suggest the use of data generated from life cycle analyses, economic geological calculations, and ecosystem service valuation in improving the implementation of such policies and also mitigate social conflicts.
Social Media Summary
There are now more than 400 critical raw material policies worldwide, but they need to be predicated in economic and geological data to be effective.
Whether consumer law should address inequality has been approached from different perspectives in Latin America and Europe. EU consumer law has primarily relied on the interpretive benchmark of the average consumer, leading to a model of “empowerment through information” in service of maximum harmonization and economic integration. In Latin America, by contrast, statutes emphasize consumer protection based on the paradigm of the vulnerable consumer, leading to more robust substantive protection in addition to classic disclosure rules. This chapter compares the EU regime to the heterodox approach of Argentina, where courts have embraced the task of using consumer protection law to reduce inequality. Moreover, a recent Argentinean reform introduced the category of the hyper-vulnerable consumer to provide enhanced protection to consumers in a situation of aggravated vulnerability due to age, gender, physical or mental state, or social, economic, ethnic, and/or cultural circumstances. The chapter also discusses the prospect of reverse convergence (i.e., EU law converging to the Latin American mode) in view of European scholars’ growing call for the recognition of “structural vulnerabilities” in the context of the digital economy, which happens to be dominated by US companies.
This study explores the moderating role of women’s political empowerment in addressing child poverty across European Union (EU) countries, using macro-panel data from 27 EU countries between 2006 and 2023. The study investigates how key socio-economic factors – such as unemployment and government expenditure as mitigating factors – interact with women’s political empowerment in affecting child poverty. The findings show that the political empowerment of women mitigates the negative effects of high unemployment and enhances the impact of public spending. However, no significant moderating effect was observed for early school leaving and income inequality. The study highlights the importance of women’s political participation in shaping inclusive policies for child welfare, especially in contexts of high unemployment or limited public spending. By empowering women politically, policymakers can foster environments that better target child poverty through tailored interventions and improved social policies, offering valuable insights for breaking the cycle of intergenerational poverty.
This chapter outlines the history of a major pan-European financial infrastructure called TARGET2-Securities (T2S) implemented by the European Central Bank in 2015. Today, T2S is the main engine settling cross-border financial transactions in the Eurozone. The chapter describes the overall design and functioning of T2S and presents a history of its making. In particular, the chapter focuses on situating T2S: (1) in the wider landscape of European financial market integration; and (2) in the longue durée of international financial market infrastructure integration. It proposes what the author calls an “amplification thesis” to account for the relationship between European and ancient dimensions of the problems that motivated the creation of T2S. Specifically, it highlights how ancient paradoxes of credit and settlement transpose onto contemporary European financial market integration and how T2S can be seen as a new techno-political response to those problems.
The introductory chapter lays out the theoretical framework, the puzzles, and the research questions motivating this book. Which economic ideas explain the design of the European Union’s economic policy? What explains the main cleavages underpinning its reforms? What explains the outcome, timing, and direction of these reforms? What explains the adoption of its implementation instruments, the so-called country-specific recommendations? Why does compliance vary? What explains the use of the corrective procedure and is it effective? The chapter provides an overview of how the economy, national politics, and supranational politics shape the entire policy cycle, from the definition of the policy problem to the design of the policy and its implementation. To help readers familiarize themselves with policy technicalities, the chapter concludes by briefly summarizing the primary and secondary laws regulating the policy.
The chapter focuses on the European Union and the power struggles between its different institutional bodies. European integration started in the economic realm. Political representants were intentionally downplayed to not infringe upon populations’ allegiances to the nation state. Balance sheets, price lists, postmodern architecture, and an assembly-line production of texts generate the image of a space of flows needing to be governed with liberal governance procedures. However, since the direct elections to the European Parliament in 1979, the Members of the European Parliament have embarked on a strategy to stage plenary votes as performative acts, without having had the relevant legal competencies or member states’ approval. Over time, the European Parliament enhanced its power, and the EU now looks a little like a federal state. More recently, another form of political contestation against economic integration has emerged from the heads of governments and states with the mediatization of the European Council. The dramatization of the heads of states’ summits provides a formidable spectacle that stages the EU as an intergovernmental organization. The chapter traces struggles over representants and their backlashes in the EU up to the present. How this order will develop depends on how the general public will receive those representants.
Balancing Pressures analyses how the economy, national politics, and supranational politics shape economic policymaking in the European Union. Economic theories alert policymakers of the problems associated with policy initiatives. Economic uncertainties shape political positioning during negotiations, while actual economic conditions affect both negotiations and implementation. National pressures to win office and pursue policies systematically influence negotiating positions, implementation patterns, and outcomes. Supranational pressures are associated with membership in the euro area, the expected and actual patterns of compliance, or the context of negotiations. Spanning the period of 1994 to 2019, this book analyses how these pressures shaped the definition of the policy problems, the controversies surrounding policy reforms, the outcome, timing, and direction of reforms, the negotiations over preventive surveillance, the compliance with recommendations, and the use and effectiveness of the procedure to correct excessive fiscal deficits. It concludes by assessing the effectiveness, fairness, and responsiveness of the policy.
When the European Union was awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace in 2012, the citation stated that military conflict on the continent was “virtually inconceivable” owing to its action. This article will examine what role its acts and omissions played in the origins of the Ukraine crisis. The tensions stoked by potential NATO membership have been well aired. However, this article will argue that the treatment of minorities and particularly of the Russian language was equally important. The EU’s failure to address these questions by insisting Kjiv grant substantial linguistic rights, or even regional autonomy as foreseen by the second Minsk agreement, was a significant cause of the conflict.
This chapter covers the European system for the protection of human rights, highlighting the roles of the Council of Europe, the European Union, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). It examines the work of the European Court of Human Rights, the European Committee of Social Rights, and other specialized bodies in protecting and promoting human rights in Europe. The chapter discusses the legal and institutional framework of the European human rights system, the challenges and successes in its implementation, and the role of European institutions in advancing human rights standards.
Ethnographic approaches to transnational legal conflicts (TLCs) can provide key insights into the material and symbolic manifestation of the authority of international organisations (IOs) within global governance. TLCs emerge due to the differing pursuits and ambitions of actors in a pluralistic global society. In global governance, the multiplication of international institutions and the fragmented legal frameworks to which they refer raise questions as to the legitimation of IOs’ authority. This contribution builds on ethnographic observations of the TLCs around migrant rescues at the external maritime border of the EU in the Central Mediterranean. The emergence of the Libyan Search and Rescue Region (SRR) in the International Maritime Organization’s Global Search and Rescue Plan in June 2018 legitimised European authorities’ handing over of responsibility to Libyan authorities to coordinate the rescue of migrants and to thus disembark survivors in Libya. This, in turn, clashed with the international principle of non-refoulement and the duty to disembark rescued people in a place of safety according to the 1979 Convention on Maritime Search and Rescue. By describing the dilemmas posed to NGOs involved in rescues of migrants in the Libyan SRR, this contribution shows how IOs’ transnational authority materialises in the on-site hierarchisation of legal provisions within TLCs.
The European Union and China have a relationship that is characterized by strong economic interdependence. But since Xi Jinping’s ascent to power, the gap in power and interests between the EU and China has widened, and cooperation has become more difficult. As a result, the EU’s China policy has shifted towards a more structural realist perspective, strategy, and policy. The EU’s realist turn will be analysed in two major areas of the EU–China relationship: security and defense with a focus on Taiwan, and trade. The EU has increased support for Taiwan and for maintaining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait by bandwagoning with the United States. In external trade, the EU is strengthening its own economic security and is balancing against China through diversifying its trade relations in the Indo-Pacific region.
Chapter 2 covers the period from 1960 to 1980 and analyses how teachers’ unions emerged as the most powerful force in education policy, often at the expense of other interest groups – most notably the private school associations and parental groups. The chapter investigates how this shift in influence shaped major education reforms of that era. It explains how governments found it relatively easy to expand secondary education to an entirely new generation, as teachers’ unions stood to gain substantial material benefits. In contrast, governments faced extraordinary difficulties in integrating the selective education systems into comprehensive school types aimed at promoting social inclusion, largely due to strong union opposition. Additionally, the chapter analyses how teachers’ unions, in fierce competition with other interest groups, consolidated and extended their influence at local levels across the case countries and the European Union.
Does the EU’s performance compared to neighboring countries influence public support? Using a benchmarking approach, we argue that people compare their country’s performance within the EU to that of a non-EU country, shaping their attitudes. The COVID-19 vaccine rollout in 2020 provides an ideal test case, as governments launched vaccination programs at different speeds. The UK began weeks before EU countries, allowing us to examine its impact on EU support. Using an Unexpected Event during Surveys Design (UESD) with Eurobarometer data, we find that the UK’s early rollout significantly reduced specific policy support for the EU but did not consistently affect diffuse support. Our findings offer key insights into attitudes toward European integration and performance evaluations.
The article explores how European Union (EU) democracies respond to the transnational repression phenomenon. Authoritarian transnational repression has become an increasingly recurrent phenomenon in recent years. However, we still have an inadequate understanding of how Western democracies respond to such forms of authoritarian interference. This article sheds light on the EU’s responses to the authoritarian transnational repression phenomenon by using the analytical framework of securitisation as its theoretical approach. In doing so, it aims to find out the extent to which transnational repression has been securitised in the EU. The study demonstrates that the EU’s response to the transnational repression phenomenon exhibits the case of a failed securitisation. The paper draws its analysis from policy documents, semi-structured interviews with EU stakeholders, and descriptive analysis from the Freedom House Transnational Repression Database.
Fundraising is an essential part of the political enterprise. In almost all countries, parties and candidates rely on donations in order to collect sufficient resources to finance their political activities. While most of the existing research in the past has focused on the motivation of donors to contribute to parties and candidates, this article starts from the premise that the level of donations can best be explained by an interplay of supply-side factors (donors) and demand-side factors (political actors). This article specifically focuses on the demand-side: which policy and strategies do political actors develop to seek donations from various sources? To this end, explanatory factors on three main dimensions – institutional, inter-party, intra-party – were examined with regards to the fundraising strategies of European political parties and foundations. Based on a combination of a document analysis and semi-structured interviews, the article will show how the regulatory framework, the possibility of a public backlash, party ideology and the general income structure of political parties influence their donation policy.
What is the current state of Comparative Regionalism (CR) as a field of research? Since its inception, CR has suffered from a chasm between those who take European integration as the model for conceptualising, theorising, comparing, and designing regionalism worldwide, and the critics, who reject EU-centrism in favour of more contextualised approaches focusing on the Global South. This paper challenges this characterisation by showing how CR has fundamentally changed in the last decade or so. We detail three ‘silent’ transformations: (i) conceptually, scholars disaggregate regionalism into specific components, rendering systematic comparison more tractable and less individual case-centric; (ii) theoretically, scholars develop frameworks that build on general social science theories and actively seek to move beyond EU-centrism; and (iii) methodologically, scholars use more rigorous comparative designs and a broader range of data. These changes, we suggest, indicate a ‘mainstreaming’ of CR, with attendant benefits and costs.
Greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from shipping contribute meaningfully to climate change. Despite significant efforts of the International Maritime Organization over recent decades, existing measures are still inadequate for achieving net-zero GHG emissions in the shipping sector and multilateral negotiations hold little promise for improvement. This article considers the polluter pays principle (PPP) as an alternative or additional pathway for tackling marine GHG emissions. The article focuses on the challenges in identifying polluters, which is the key issue that must be addressed before the PPP can be applied. Specifically, the article presents an analytical framework and examines various approaches to identifying marine GHG emissions polluters. Firstly, it identifies the polluter from a general perspective, using three approaches: examining the issue broadly, reviewing international conventions and European Union initiatives that incorporate the PPP, and analyzing selected domestic legislation reflecting the PPP. The article then focuses on maritime shipping, considering specifically two types of contract of affreightment – charterparties and bills of lading – while highlighting key factors in identifying the polluter. In conclusion, the assessment of causal links, along with operational and management decisions regarding the vessel, attribute the status of primary polluter to the shipowner, demise charterer, and time charterer.