Chapter 5 continues to explore the connections and disconnections between the transitional justice project and non-recurrence of conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). It proposes that education can make or break meaningful assurances of conflict non-recurrence. The chapter demonstrates how ethnically segregated history teaching in BiH plays a key role in the maintenance of a post-conflict status quo which has frozen certain anxieties around the uncertain future of peace in the country. Further, the chapter posits that the global project of transitional justice, while not responsible for the burgeoning ethnonationalism, has actively made bad situations worse with its short-sighted security priorities and general misunderstanding of security as lived experience. In particular, the chapter focuses on how and why the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia undertook a role of an educator of the BiH youth and public and how the advocates of the transitional justice project have ignored the complexity of the prevention needs of the BiH society.

Besides his teachers and mentors, Pierre Boulez was surrounded by a circle of friends at the turn of the 1950s with whom he shared artistic and political interests and whom he often met in the more personal context of his social life. His interest in contemporary painting and interdisciplinary relations connected him with the painter Bernard Saby who, like Boulez, had pursued mathematical studies. Armand Gatti and Pierre Joffroy (pseudonym of Maurice Weil) were engaged journalists and writers, marked by the terror of the German occupation and the political turmoil of the post-war period. From this circle of friends emerged significant stimulations and influences in the transition from the composerʼs youthful works to the first phase of maturity

Much of the existing analysis of women in O’Casey’s plays concentrates on the women in his earlier work; this chapter examines the representation of younger women in O’Casey’s later plays, revealing how O’Casey presented a strongly contemporary feminist outlook which sought to re-position his audience’s understanding of female sensibility. The chapter analyses the way in which, by questioning theatrical form and critiquing patriarchal control of women, O’Casey enabled experimentalism in dramatic form to go hand in hand with a willingness to evolve and develop a progressive expression of female sexuality.

This chapter examines the redefinition of “youth” that occurred during World War II as a result of young men’s conscription and the rise of the United States as the global superpower, as well as its consequences for young Americans. It specifically looks at the creation and implementation of federal educational programs for soldiers, such as the Army Specialized Training Program and the educational provisions of the 1944 G. I. Bill of Rights. The chapter also demonstrates how these programs built upon the framework that had been developed in earlier decades, which categorized youth according to their value for national security and established military service as a “democratic” educational opportunity.

This final chapter summarizes the key points discussed in the previous chapters. It illuminates how diverse adults in the United States helped to build the link between youth, education, and national security from World War I to World War II. The chapter also discusses how this connection both changed and influenced developments in the second half of the twentieth century, when the Cold War changed American ideas about who should serve militarily. Nonetheless, the relationship between youth, education, and national security has remained powerful and continues to influence young Americans today.

This chapter provides readers with an overview of the book, as well as its major argument. It argues that, while historians have traditionally treated war and military issues as temporary issues that affected American society only during wartime and had little impact on society during peacetime, the issues were, in fact, fundamental to political and cultural changes in American society during the first half of the twentieth century. The chapter also outlines how the remainder of the book will support this argument by focusing on how the relationship formed during this time between national security, education, and the cultural conception of “youth” strongly influenced young people’s educational experiences and had significant social consequences that still exist today.

This chapter explores the redefinition of “youth,” their relationship with the federal government, and their role in national security in the 1930s. Due mainly to the widespread unemployment among young people in their late teens to mid-twenties, adults classified them as a distinct age group with economic, educational, and cultural problems. Many adults believed that the federal government should intervene in the “youth problem,” which prompted the establishment of New Deal programs for young people, such as the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) and the National Youth Administration. The chapter also demonstrates, through an examination of debates over the introduction of military training to the CCC, as well as the transition of these agencies’ goals from unemployment relief to national defense in the late 1930s, how the Great Depression, often compared to war, was a significant turning point in the evolution of the relationship between youth, education, and national security.

This chapter explores how the U.S. ideas about youth, education, and national security were projected onto U.S. policies for Japanese youth during the postwar occupation of Japan. The Americans who arrived in Japan after the end of the hostilities drew on both the U.S. and Japanese conceptions of youth to advance their national security objectives. That is, they rhetorically addressed young Japanese as a unitary group of people craving to be rescued from a militaristic dictatorship while stratifying them through policy. The chapter also demonstrates how the period in which “total war” defined youth’s relationship with national security was coming to an end, with the outbreak of the Cold War.

This chapter explores how selective service laws for World War II both built on and changed the relationship between youth, education, and national security that had been developed in the preceding decades. Through nationwide debates over what made the disproportionate draft of young men aged eighteen to twenty-five as American and democratic, adults reinterpreted the characteristics of “youth” that had been deemed serious problems in the 1930s. That is, the lack of advanced work experience now indicated immediate availability for military service, unstable lifestyle meant mobility, and mental malleability now signified adaptability to military discipline. The supporters of the youth draft also formalized the link between military duty and education, advocating for the formation of military-educational training for young soldiers with military value as a democratic and American method of conscripting youth.

Chapter 2 provides a history of the recognition of the girl child in the international legal framework, from the universalist to the qualified universalist approach, and finally to the girl child as a distinct rights holder under international law. Chapter 2 thereafter conducts an examination of the definition of girl child in the English language. It critically studies the terminology presently used to define her and explores the etymology of the expression ‘girl’ and its semiotics of inferiority and subordination throughout history. The chapter analyzes the two vectors of identity of the girl child: femalehood and childhood. It examines the conceptions of girlhood and its 1) dimensions, 2) boundaries and 3) divisions. It discusses age-based and competence-based boundaries, and parameters for the end of girlhood in the English language and in the law, including definitions concerning puberty, youth and majority. It also suggests divisions within girlhood, namely young girls and adolescent girls.