This study investigates evidential meanings, referring to the information sources available to the speaker (i.e., direct witnessing, report, or inference), expressed through syntactic and lexical strategies in French. Across three experimental studies, we examined French subordinate structures, including complement, relative, pseudo-relative, and infinitive ECM clauses, that encompass perception or reporting verbs. We used witness rating, information source identification, and discourse completion tasks administered to a total of 221 French speakers. The results show that (i) infinitive ECM clauses are unambiguously associated with direct witnessing; (ii) pseudo-relative and relative clauses with voir are, though less strongly than infinitive, associated with direct witnessing; (iii) although still being sometimes used in reference to direct witnessing, complement clauses with voir are primarily suitable in inferential contexts based on resultant states; and finally (iv) complement clauses of dire are associated with reported sources. Our results show that indirect evidentiality is marked by complement clauses only, whereas direct evidentiality distributes over infinitive ECM, pseudo-relative and relative clauses with no significant difference between the two types of relatives. We conclude that indirect evidentiality in French is syntactically associated with one type of subordinate structure, whereas direct evidentiality is not.

The field of linguistic typology has made great strides in mapping the structures to be found across languages. We can now ask whether speakers of all languages distribute their ideas over such structures in the same ways. This question is explored here by examining complement constructions in three genealogically and areally unrelated languages. Each offers glimpses into some factors that shape grammar over time. Crosslinguistic differences in grammar arise from what speakers have chosen to say over millennia, but even languages spoken today can provide snapshots of moments in such processes, if we care to listen to their speakers.

This paper explores the complementation of the verb prevent in contemporary English. While the verb is typically followed by from -ing, British English also exhibits a variant without from (e.g. They must carry out a forensic examination of these failings to prevent them happening again [The Daily Mail, 22 December 2020]). In British English, this construction has in fact been reported to be on the increase in recent years. Since previous studies on this topic have tended to rely on a limited number of examples, the present research investigates a larger dataset drawn from the 2010 issues of The Daily Mail (British) and USA Today (American). This study also examines the British Academic Written English (BAWE) corpus as a supplementary resource. The BAWE corpus is a collection of academic assignments and provides insight into unedited uses of the verb prevent. The findings are as follows: the use of from-less -ing is indeed expanding in contemporary British English; the rate of this expansion differs between newspaper texts and unedited academic writing; and the complementation patterns of prevent are more varied in contemporary English than previously assumed. The discussion concludes by situating these present-day uses within the historical development of this verb.

This article focuses on the controversy over whether complex numerals in English are constituents. Contra the traditional view (e.g. Hurford 1975; Greenberg 1990 [1978]), the cascading structure proposed in Ionin & Matushansky (2006, 2018) maintains that cross-linguistically a complex numeral does not form a constituent to the exclusion of the NP complement. The derivation of an additive complex numeral, e.g. twenty-two people, thus involves an underlying source form with a nominal conjunction, e.g. twenty people and two people. Based on the argumentation established in He (2015) and He et al. (2017) supporting complex numerals as constituents in Chinese and minority languages in southern China, this article first demonstrates that the non-constituency analysis is not viable for English, as the underlying forms of additive complex numerals may be ill-formed and also not semantically equivalent to the surface forms. We then offer evidence to support the constituency analysis from constituency tests and behavior of post-numeral and pre-numeral modifiers. Finally, we demonstrate that the extra mechanism of grafting, proposed by Meinunger (2015), is unnecessary for English complex numerals.

Research on complementizer selection has shown that the presence of a negative particle in a subordinate complement clause influences complement choice, leading to a relatively higher proportion of finite complementation patterns by increasing the complexity of the syntactic environment. Studies have also shown that different types of negation, namely not- and no-negation, increase the tendency towards more explicit complementation options (Rohdenburg 2015). The current study focuses on the effect of not- and no-negation on the complementation profile of the verb regret, which allows variation between finite that/zero-complement clauses and nonfinite (S) -ing clauses. The GloWbE corpus was used to create a data set of more than 4,000 examples from 16 varieties of English. The results of the analysis support previous findings that the presence of a negative marker in the complement clause increases the preference for finite patterns, especially in L2 varieties of English. However, contrary to the expectations of this study, no-negation was found to have a stronger effect on complement choice than not-negation.

This study investigates to what extent there are collocational preferences in the verb–object combinations of a large corpus of Norwegian and how important recurrent combinations are in usage. The material has been extracted from a large web-corpus of 700 million tokens and consists of dependency-based verb–object combinations. The overall importance of collocational preferences is demonstrated by the fact that the most frequent 5% of the verb–object combinations account for as much as 64% of the verb–object tokens in the material. The database of verb–object combinations contains measures of collocational strength and thereby allows us to model the mutual strength between the exemplars in the clusters found with individual verbs. Based on some studies of individual verbs and verb pairs, it seems safe to assume that speakers do distinguish between and prefer certain conventional verb–object combinations to other equally grammatical, equally transparent and equally understandable alternatives, and that speakers have access to complementation information at the level of exemplars.

This study investigates temporal and control interpretations with verbs of risk followed by non-finite complements in English. It addresses two questions: Why does the gerund-participle show variation in the temporal relation between the event it denotes and that of the main verb whereas the to-infinitive manifests a constant temporal relation? Why does the gerund-participle construction allow variation in control while the to-infinitive shows constant subject control readings? The study is based on a corpus of 1345 attested uses. The explanation is framed in a natural-language semantics involving the meanings of the gerund-participle, the infinitive, the preposition to, and the meaning-relation between the matrix and its complement. Temporal and control interpretations are shown to arise as implications grounded in the semantic content of what is linguistically expressed. It is argued that the capacity of a natural-language semantic approach to account for the data obviates the need to have recourse to purely syntactic operations to account for control.

In certain English finite complement clauses, inclusion of the complementizer that is optional. Previous research has identified various factors that influence when native speakers tend to produce or omit the complementizer, including syntactic weight, clause juncture constraints, and predicate frequency. The present study addresses the question to what extent German and Spanish learners of English as a second language (L2) produce and omit the complementizer under similar conditions. 3,622 instances of English adjectival, object, and subject complement constructions were retrieved from the International Corpus of English and the German and Spanish components of the International Corpus of Learner English. A logistic regression model suggests that L2 learners’ and natives’ production is largely governed by the same factors. However, in comparison with native speakers, L2 learners display a lower rate of complementizer omission. They are more impacted by processing-related factors such as complexity and clause juncture, and less sensitive to verb-construction cue validity.

Over the last decade, plant virus-based vectors have been developed and successfully exploited for high-yield production of heterologous proteins in plants. However, widespread application of recombinant viruses raises concerns about possible risks to the environment. One of the primary safety issues that must be considered is the uncontrolled spread of the genetically engineered virus from experimental plants to susceptible weeds or crops. Using a movement-deficient Potato virus X (PVX)-based transient gene expression vector which harbors the β-glucuronidase (gus) gene, we established a plant viral expression system that provides containment of the recombinant virus and allows for safe and efficient protein production. By deletion of the viral 25k movement protein gene, systemic spread of the modified virus in non-transgenic Nicotiana benthamiana plants was successfully inhibited. In transgenic N. benthamiana plants expressing the 25K viral movement protein, this deficiency was complemented, thus resulting in systemic infection with the movement-deficient virus. While no differences in virus spread and accumulation were observed compared to infection caused by wild-type PVX in non-transgenic plants, the movement protein transgenic plants exhibited none of the normal symptoms of viral infection. Several biosafety aspects were investigated including the potential for recombination between the defective virus and the movement protein transgene, as well as complementation effects in non-transgenic plants doubly infected with the defective and the wild-type virus. Furthermore, the applicability of the safety system for the production of heterologous proteins was evaluated with gus as a model gene. With respect to the stability of the gus insert and the expression level of the GUS protein, there were no differences between the novel system developed and the conventional PVX-based expression system.

The purpose of this article is to give a description of the syntax of clausal complementation in Norwegian within the framework of Lexical-Functional Grammar (LFG). The data are mostly authentic sentences from text corpora and web pages. The description given is rather different from traditional descriptions. An important point to be made is that Norwegian (finite and non-finite) clausal complements are not homogeneous with respect to their syntactic properties. Even if most clausal complements behave like objects, Norwegian also has clausal complements that do not behave like objects. This phenomenon is well known from other languages, but has never been observed in the literature on Norwegian. The structure and function of non-object clausal complements are discussed, and the traditional idea that they are PP obliques is rejected.

Complementation, the inverse of the reduced product operation, is a technique for systematically finding minimal decompositions of abstract domains. Filé and Ranzato advanced the state of the art by introducing a simple method for computing a complement. As an application, they considered the extraction by complementation of the pair-sharing domain PS from the Jacobs and Langen's set-sharing domain SH. However, since the result of this operation was still SH, they concluded that PS was too abstract for this. Here, we show that the source of this result lies not with PS but with SH and, more precisely, with the redundant information contained in SH with respect to ground-dependencies and pair-sharing. In fact, a proper decomposition is obtained if the non-redundant version of SH, PSD, is substituted for SH. To establish the results for PSD, we define a general schema for subdomains of SH that includes PSD and Def as special cases. This sheds new light on the structure of PSD and exposes a natural though unexpected connection between Def and PSD. Moreover, we substantiate the claim that complementation alone is not sufficient to obtain truly minimal decompositions of domains. The right solution to this problem is to first remove redundancies by computing the quotient of the domain with respect to the observable behavior, and only then decompose it by complementation.

The X-ray structure of the Escherichia coli aspartate transcarbamoylase with the bisubstrate analog phosphonacetyl-l-aspartate (PALA) bound shows that PALA interacts with Lys84 from an adjacent catalytic chain. To probe the function of Lys84, site-specific mutagenesis was used to convert Lys84 to alanine, threonine, and asparagine. The K84N and K84T enzymes exhibited 0.08 and 0.29% of the activity of the wild-type enzyme, respectively. However, the K84A enzyme retained 12% of the activity of the wild-type enzyme. For each of these enzymes, the affinity for aspartate was reduced 5- to 10-fold, and the affinity for carbamoyl phosphate was reduced 10- to 30-fold. The enzymes K84N and K84T exhibited no appreciable cooperativity, whereas the K84A enzyme exhibited a Hill coefficient of 1.8. The residual cooperativity and enhanced activity of the K84A enzyme suggest that in this enzyme another mechanism functions to restore catalytic activity. Modeling studies as well as molecular dynamics simulations suggest that in the case of only the K84A enzyme, the lysine residue at position 83 can reorient into the active site and complement for the loss of Lys84. This hypothesis was tested by the creation and analysis of the K83A enzyme and a double mutant enzyme (DM) that has both Lys83 and Lys84 replaced by alanine. The DM enzyme has no cooperativity and exhibited 0.18% of wild-type activity, while the K83A enzyme exhibited 61% of wild-type activity. These data suggest that Lys84 is not only catalytically important, but is also essential for binding both substrates and creation of the high-activity, high-affinity active site. Since low-angle X-ray scattering demonstrated that the mutant enzymes can be converted to the R-structural state, the loss of cooperativity must be related to the inability of these mutant enzymes to form the high-activity, high-affinity active site characteristic of the R-functional state of the enzyme.