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For many Americans of color, the promise of local democracy seems unfulfilled. On average, African Americans and Latinos are underrepresented descriptively on municipal councils, ideologically distant from local elected officials, and poorly represented in the overall ideological orientation of local government policy. At the same time, however, the picture is not uniformly bleak: There are perceptible differences in how well or how poorly different local governments perform in substantively representing the preferences of African American and Latino constituents.
A rural, working-class community of about 12,000 residents (38 percent of whom are African American), Brookhaven, Mississippi, is located in Lincoln County, approximately 60 miles south of Jackson, the state’s capital. Traditionally, Brookhaven has been dominated by timber and cotton concerns, and these industries still play a major role in the community, along with light industry and warehousing and distribution services. In tacit acknowledgment of the economic and social challenges the town has faced in an era of globalization and rising economic inequality, a local history describes the town as “a charismatic survivor” that persisted in the face of “vicissitudes similar to those which resulted in the diminishment or disappearance of [other] formerly flourishing Lincoln County villages and towns.”
Mount Pleasant, Wisconsin, is a village of 26,000 residents in Racine County, Wisconsin, a suburban area approximately 30 miles south of Milwaukee. Although historically devoted to agriculture, the village economy is now dominated by the retail, industrial, and health care sectors. Mount Pleasant boasts numerous local, national, and international companies, “including Putzmeister, Case New Holland, SC Johnson, Diversey, Horizon Retail Construction, Racine Federated, and many others.” The village is fairly prosperous: The median family income ($59,584) is slightly above the state median of $59,305, and more than 40 percent of residents possess at least an associate’s degree. Nearly 72 percent of residents own homes, with a median home value of $172,292.
State backlash has marked dispute settlement mechanisms in both the international trade and investment treaty regimes. For the former, the transition from the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) dispute panels to the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) Dispute Settlement Mechanism (DSM) represented a notable instance of the turn toward international courts within world politics.
The quality of interactions and relationships depends on the thoughts and feelings of both partners. Hence, people often try to manage the thoughts and feelings others have about them. This chapter reports the results of a program of research examining the role of interpersonal value goals – goals to be valued as a relationship partner – in interpersonal interactions and relationships. This research suggests that adopting the goal to be valued by others often motivates people to enact prosocial behaviors and adopt compassionate goals, and elicits positive responses from partners. The link between interpersonal value goals and prosocial behavior was particularly strong when participants endorsed lay theories that prosocial behavior elevates people’s interpersonal value and when they were immersed in relationship contexts in which specific partners rewarded their prosocial behavior, suggesting that selection of prosocial strategies as a means to pursue interpersonal value depends on explicit and tacit knowledge of interdependence.
People with low self-esteem perceive their partner’s are less responsive to their needs. A widespread assumption in the literature has been that these perceptions are “all in their heads” – a projection of their own insecurities – and that their partners are actually just as responsive as are partners of people with high self-esteem. Contrary to this assumption, however, we describe research demonstrating that, in specific interactions, people with low self-esteem's partners are indeed less responsive to disclosers’ negative self-disclosures. We review evidence for the role of self-esteem in global and specific perceptions of responsiveness and actual received partner responsiveness, discuss reasons for such findings, and suggest future work to untangle mechanisms accounting for people with low self-esteems’ lower received responsiveness. We end by discussing implications for close relationships.
We examined the relation between maternal responsiveness and children's acquisition of mental and non-mental state vocabulary in 59 pairs of mothers and children aged 10 to 26 months as they engaged in a free-play episode. Children wore a head camera and responsiveness was defined as maternal talk that commented on the child's actions (e.g., when the child reached for or manipulated an object visible in the head camera). As hypothesized, maternal responsiveness correlated with both mental and non-mental state vocabulary acquisition in younger children (approximately 18 months and younger) but not older children. We posit a diminishing role for maternal responsiveness in language acquisition as children grow older.
The purpose of this study was to advance the current understanding of the daily dynamics that are involved in raising a child with Cerebral Palsy (CP). Specifically, we examined the role of mindful parenting and of day-to-day variation in parents’ psychological needs and child behavior in explaining day-to-day variation in parents’ autonomy-supportive, psychologically controlling, and responsive parenting behavior. Parents (N = 58) of children with CP (Mage = 12.68 years) participated in a 7-day diary study. Multilevel analyses indicated that parents’ autonomy-supportive, psychologically controlling, and responsive behaviors fluctuate considerably between days. Further, daily fluctuations in both child behavior and parents’ own psychological needs were found to be associated with this daily variability in parenting. In addition, interindividual differences in mindful parenting were associated positively with parents’ responsiveness and negatively with psychologically controlling parenting across the week. These findings point towards the changeability of parenting behavior among parents of a child with CP and suggest that interventions targeting parenting behavior in the context of CP will be most effective when taking into account both the parents’ and the child's functioning.
Hypotension and shock in the perioperative setting may arise from a variety of etiologies. A common initial intervention is administration of a fluid bolus to increase the cardiac stroke volume and mean arterial blood pressure; however, up to 50% of all hypotensive patients do not have the desired hemodynamic response, and excessive fluid administration may be harmful. There is a clinical need to determine the likelihood that an individual patient will respond to fluid administration, and use of dynamic parameters is becoming routine. The respiratory variation of stroke volume associated with positive pressure ventilation (heart–lung interaction model) and the passive leg raise (endogenous fluid challenge model) are the two best-validated means to quickly augment stroke volume. This chapter will review ultrasound-based parameters such as inferior vena cava diameter change and velocity time integral variation utilizing these two methods of stroke volume augmentation to predict fluid responsiveness.
Estimation of intravascular volume status by clinical examination and static measurements such as central venous pressure and pulmonary capillary wedge pressure do not predict fluid responsiveness. Current evidence indicates that dynamic monitoring of arterial pressure and derived indices are the most sensitive and specific means of determining fluid responsiveness, especially in mechanically ventilated patients. Several monitors that automate and embellish this approach, a few of which are noninvasive, are now commercially available and they are gradually being incorporated into intensive and perioperative care practice. This chapter reviews the physiologic underpinnings of how and why the arterial pressure waveform can be used to determine fluid responsiveness and gives an overview of the devices incorporating these principles.
In spring 2018 China, indignant popular nationalists demanded that the “spiritually Japanese” activities of a fringe group of young Chinese who figure themselves as Japanese be proscribed. The National People's Congress quickly complied, passing legislation that made it illegal to “beautify the war of invasion.” Exploring how and why the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) responded to the demands of popular nationalists, we suggest that authoritarian representation occurs in China even beyond the bounds of everyday apolitical issues like education and healthcare. Indeed, because the CCP relies upon a nationalist claim to legitimate rule, authoritarian legislators may respond to the public on politically sensitive issues like nationalism as well. Journalists and lawyers, furthermore, can play a vital mediating role between elites and masses, facilitating the transmission of the information and expertise needed for authoritarian responsiveness. Implications for our understanding of Chinese nationalism, authoritarian responsiveness and state legitimation in China today are discussed.
The aim of our naturalistic-observational study was to determine the efficacy and utility of electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) in clinical population of individuals with schizophrenia where pharmacological response was suboptimal.
The cohort comprised 27 patients suffering from schizophrenia with refractoriness to antipsychotic agents and with severe, disabling symptoms. They only interventional assessing tool was clinical global impression (CGI-S) performed at the baseline and at the end of the treatment.
The administration of ECT resulted in overall clinical improvement reflected in CGI scales and descriptions in clinical notes. On 12 months follow-up period, 10 patients (37.1%) maintained improvement and were able to continue with pharmacological therapy only, suggesting its rekindling effect, especially with Clozapine. Conversely, 17 patients (62.9%) deteriorated and required an additional course of ECT to maintain improvement. In some cases, maintenance ECT treatment was required. The group who engaged in self-harming behaviour at baseline demonstrated they were more likely to relapse into psychosis at the end of the first course of ECT, their self-harming behaviour abated, especially when maintenance ECT was undertaken.
Although limited by lack of control group, small sample size, heterogeneous symptom profiles and various concurrent neuroleptic agents, the ECT proved as valuable and safe augmentative procedure when unsatisfactory response to pharmacological interventions had been demonstrated prior to interventions. This effect was evident despite the chronicity of the illness.
Responsiveness of quality of life (QOL) assessments in chronic schizophrenic patients was investigated by a quasi-experimental pilot study. Satisfaction ratings were assessed over five time points with an externally imposed disturbing stimulus at the second time point. Despite a markedly high stability, the disturbance provoked a temporally limited decrease in QOL.
Several well-known observer scales, including the Hamilton Depression Scale (HAM-D), Montgomery-Åsberg Scale (MADRS), Major Depression Rating Scale (MDS), Melancholia Scale (MES), and Inventory for Depressive Symptomatology (IDS) used for measuring severity of depressive states have been compared by their responsiveness in an open trial including patients treated with a combination of citalopram and mianserin. The patients fulfilled the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM)-IV criteria for major depressive episode, and all scored 18 or more on the HAM-D before treatment. Onset of antidepressant action was defined as an improvement of rating scale scores of 25% or more of pre-treatment scores. A response to treatment was defined as a reduction of 50% or more on the pre-treatment scores. The results showed that the number of treatment days until improvement was 11 to 13 with no difference between the scales. The days until response were between 18 and 21 with no difference between the scales. In conclusion, the depression scales were found to be equal in their ability to detect changes in depressive symptoms during treatment. The mean of days to response was 19 for the combination of citalopram and mianserin. This is similar to the response for the combination of fluoxetine and pinolol.
We begin by summarizing our findings regarding congruence and responsiveness in Latin America's presidential systems. We then lay out our theoretical framework that we call the chain of representation. We discuss the citizens' preferences, policy-makers' preferences, and policy orientations that make up the stages in our chain. We then describe the electoral systems and policy-making processes that are the institutional linkages holding those stages together. The chapter ends with an outline of the structure of the rest of the book.
The congruence and responsiveness models we have estimated paint a relatively homogeneous picture of representation in the region: although the quality of representation, as measured by the levels of both congruence and responsiveness, appears to be generally high during the period of study, there are systematic differences across institutional arrangements. These differences tend to be consistent across dimensions of the representation space: for legislatures, permissive systems tend to show high levels of both congruence and responsiveness, and the same is true for the strongest, restrictive constellations of electoral rules – a tendency that results in a U-shape relationship between electoral system strength and quality of representation. Executives, in turn, appear to be most congruent when they are elected under the least permissive rules, a pattern that results in a linear relationship between strength and congruence of all types.
Studying the relationships among citizens' preferences, policy-makers' preferences, and policy orientations poses many challenges, and this chapter outlines how we chose to meet those challenges. We discuss our measures of each and how we intend to use them to capture one-to-one, many-to-many, and many-to-one congruence and responsiveness at different stages in the chain of representation. We also make the case for why it is vital that all these concepts be measured on a common scale, and we give a brief preview of how we intend to do that. We also provide an overview of the features of electoral systems and policy-making processes that we will aggregate or cluster in order to summarize their incentives for providing congruence and responsiveness. We conclude the chapter by setting our work in the context of important related works that do not exactly set out to tackle the questions we will tackle here.
To conclude, we summarize our original theoretical argument, the empirical findings that support that argument, and the empirical findings that would lead us to reformulate that argument before seeking to test it again on a different set of observations.
Overall, the evidence presented in this chapter suggests that policy-making powers are likely to affect the degree to which policy positions reflect the moods of policy-makers in charge of bringing them about (congruence), but that they are less predictive of the way in which policies change in response to changes in the moods of policy-makers (responsiveness). When they are found to be predictive, PMPs seem to generate a trade-off between the ability to effectively move policy to a position that is more consistent with the preferences of both presidents and legislators, on the one hand, and the ability to adequately represent a variety of interests in the legislature, on the other. The first objective is more likely to be attained when PMPs clearly favor the executive. The latter objective is better achieved when powers are relatively matched across branches. Either through PMPs that give executives an upper hand or through an ability to respond to annually evolving policy orientations, executives seem to hold more sway over the direction of policy than legislators – a fact that is consistent with the relative levels of responsiveness we find in simulation.
In this chapter, we consider the connection between citizens and policies, accounting for all the intermediate linkages that form the full chain of representation. In general, while we find that median and distribution-aware congruences are higher whenever PMPs empower legislatures, such PMPs make it harder for policy to accurately track the movements of citizen moods over time. In turn, while executive-empowering PMPs make it easy for policy to respond to changes in citizen moods (particularly when legislatures are elected under restrictive rules, and presidents are elected under permissive rules), this increased ability comes at the expense of accurately reflecting the preferences of citizens in terms of proximity. We also find, as we did in the previous chapter, that, even where congruence is low, responsiveness can remain high. In other words, citizens’ moods can be reflected in the direction that policy is moving even when that policy remains somewhat distant from what most citizens would prefer.