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Signers create depictions in modeling spaces ahead of them. Within these spaces, the hand depicts an entity’s location/movement. Signers create these depictions with depicting verbs composed of a verb root and an entity morpheme. These lexical forms lack features that specify their articulatory locations. For some depicting verbs, the hand’s orientation is also unspecified. It is up to the signer to articulate these verbs at locations that suit the needs of the depiction. Signers also create depictions in modeling spaces by gesturally placing and moving meaningful handshapes within modeling spaces. As a result, it can be difficult to distinguish between a depicting verb and a physically similar gestural movement of a meaningful handshape. Identifying a depicting verb will depend on the ability to identify its lexical form and its lexically encoded meaning. In contrast, a fully gestural articulation has no lexical form and does not express a lexical meaning.
The Riemann zeta function is one of the most profound and extensively studied objects in analytic number theory, with deep connections to the distribution of prime numbers. Initially defined for values of s with real part greater than 1, it can be extended to a meromorphic function on the entire complex plane, except for a simple pole at s = 1.
A central feature of the zeta function is its functional equation, which relates its values at s and 1-s, revealing a deep symmetry. This equation is often written in a symmetric form involving the Gamma function, a fundamental object in complex analysis that generalizes the factorial. The Gamma function plays a key role in the functional equation and links the behavior of the zeta function to complex analytic properties.
Another crucial element in the theory is the Jacobi theta function, whose transformation properties are essential in deriving the functional equation of the zeta function.
Analysing fascism in India has been rather unnecessarily polarized, both by Marxist approaches overemphasizing economic causality and by non-Marxist approaches overemphasizing ideology, politics, organizational aspects, and social psychology.1 This difference is important in the historical condition and context in which an analysis of the current regime in India is being made. Whereas Antonio Gramsci defined fascism on an international scale as ‘an attempt to resolve problems of production and exchange with machine-guns and pistol shots’, in India, the rise of an authoritarian regime with fascist tendencies is certainly not a result of the nation being caught up in an international war. It could be more significant to examine the social reality that lends consent to the authoritarian model of politics and governance and how the forms in which it surfaces exhibit fascist tendencies (Gramsci 1984).2 The fascist regimes during the Second World War were different from the post-war ones, specifically with reference to the experience of developing nations like India. In this context, the distinction between fascist movements and fascist regimes is important, and there seems to have been a right-wing extremist movement pushing for the rise of a regime in India (Dimitrov 1984; Reich 1980; Koves and Mazumdar 2005). If Narendra Modi's regime cannot be characterized as a fascist regime, it certainly has been an authoritarian one with fascist tendencies, and what needs to be explained is how such a regime manages to manufacture popular consent.
Syntactic reconstruction poses a unique set of challenges to comparative philologists, and this has led some authors to go so far as to claim it is impossible. This chapter begins by evaluating these challenges and how troubling they are for the enterprise of syntactic reconstruction. With this baseline established, the author turns to the specific attempts that have been made at reconstructing syntax, in particular with reference to Proto-Indo-European. Although some aspects of syntax were treated as early as the Neo-Grammarians, the earliest concerted efforts to treat Proto-Indo-European syntax on its own terms date to the latter half of the twentieth century. There have been several different approaches to syntactic reconstruction since then, which fall broadly into four categories: Typological reconstruction; Pattern-based approaches; Construction Grammar; and Minimalist reconstruction. This chapter argues that, while it is not the only viable methodology, Minimalist Reconstruction provides the most suitable means for the task of reconstructing relative clause syntax in Proto-Indo-European.
This chapter presents the basic commutative algebra tools for algebraic number theory. It begins with the Chinese Remainder Theorem for arbitrary commutative rings, which decomposes ring elements modulo the intersection of pairwise coprime ideals – illustrating a fundamental local – global principle. This principle is further refined through localization, a technique that isolates the behavior of rings at prime ideals that do not intersect a specified multiplicative subset.
A central class of rings in this study is Noetherian rings, characterized by the ascending chain condition on ideals, which ensures desirable finiteness properties. The Hilbert Basis Theorem guarantees that polynomial rings over Noetherian rings remain Noetherian, extending these finiteness conditions to broader algebraic contexts.
Further structural insights arise from studying fractional ideals and the Picard group, which classify invertible ideals and play a crucial role in the study of rings of Krull dimension 1, particularly Dedekind domains.
The chapter concludes with finite-dimensional commutative algebras over fields, a particular case of rings of Krull dimension 0. Under semisimple and separable conditions, these algebras decompose into direct products of fields, permitting a complete classification.
This book offers a selection of key texts mostly written by leading figures in the history of Spanish American political thought during the first century of independence. Political thinkers in the region had to grapple with rather unique and extraordinary circumstances after three centuries of Spanish colonial rule. The emergence of a significant number of new independent polities that adopted representative institutions in an era when absolutism still prevailed in Western Europe, their general adoption of republicanism (except for Mexico during the brief rule of Agustín de Iturbide in 1822–1823, and Maximilian in 1864–1867), and their complex demographic composition, all posed serious challenges for the formation and consolidation of national states in Spanish America. In dialogue with the major currents of thought in Western Europe and North America, Spanish American thinkers often reflected upon these and other related problems while being politically engaged, either in government or in opposition.
In the 1950s, as one columnist recently pointed out, “the wealthiest people in the U.S. were not corporate executives … Rather, they were entertainers.”2 In 1958, for example, when Arthur B. Homer, the president of Bethlehem Steel, was making $623,336, Frank Sinatra made nearly $4 million.3 Given this reality, when entertainers got together to talk amongst themselves in mid-century America, “the U.S. tax laws [were] deeply involved.”4 It should not be surprising, therefore, that when it came to tax dodging during this period, entertainers were on the cutting edge.
Sincerity is essential to communication: without a norm of sincerity, we could hardly trust what other people tell us. But what does it take to be sincere, exactly? And why is sincerity so important? Sincerity and Insincerity offers a comprehensive review of existing philosophical work on the nature of sincerity and its epistemic value. It puts forward a novel, fine-grained account of what sincerity and insincerity are, and dives into the grey area between the two, identifying various ways in which speakers can be partially sincere. Integrating ideas from different philosophical subfields and traditions, it offers an updated perspective on what makes sincerity epistemically valuable, giving serious consideration to the idea that sincerity is the norm of assertion. Overall, this Element provides a novel, informed perspective on what sincerity is, how it works, and why it matters.
Medicine is a profession built on the pillars of compassion and healing. Paradoxically, the medical community is plagued by a pervasive culture of bullying, harassment, and abuse. Women in medicine face particular challenges, often experiencing gendered forms of harassment that further marginalize them. The fear of retaliation, stigma, and career repercussions deters many from reporting such incidents, perpetuating a culture of silence.
This toxic environment not only harms individuals but also compromises patient care. Early exposure to such behaviors during medical training can have lasting negative effects on professional and personal identity and well-being. To address this pressing issue, it is imperative to foster a supportive and inclusive culture within medical institutions, where individuals feel empowered to speak up and seek help without fear. When organising care, providers need to be aware of the complexity of treating doctors who may themselves be therapists. The complexities of the relationships between doctors and their doctor patients need to be considered, especially when stigma and shame influence care.
Attempts to register and control the populations of the east left a documentary record that was often extremely local. Provincial subjects proved astute readers and compilers of local documentation, which they rearranged in order to make claims of right. These claims can be mined for their underlying legal ideologies. Provincial subjects imagined law not as an abstract system, but as a running list of privileges and disabilities. Rights emerged from having the most correct or most persuasive hermeneutic for making sense of collections of documents in dialogue with officials, through the process of generating legal paperwork. Archives were not merely repositories of external facts about the world: they were collections of arguments that could be made. Law emerged from the collaborative process of claiming such rights.
This chapter examines how achievement books produced by Egyptian state institutions have narrated and re-narrated the 1952 revolution. These books were centrally published by the Information Department, a crucial yet seldom studied organ in the emerging Ministry of Culture and National Guidance, as well as public relations units across different ministries. After a brief institutional history of the Ministry of Culture and National Guidance as a whole, in which I demonstrate how ‘culture’ and ‘media’ were originally intertwined in administrative terms, I argue that the state’s achievements were narrated according to a changing conception of the revolution between 1954 and 1970. This rhetoric cemented a distinctive version of history among Egyptian bureaucrats, in which long lists of achievements came to articulate the bureaucratic corps’ contributions to the revolution. Moreover, it aimed to counter colonial propaganda via a systematic presentation of ‘the true Egypt’ in numerous European languages. In short, achievement books recorded, disseminated, and embodied the revolution’s accomplishments for a domestic and an international audience.
The framework of human rights has permeated international discourse and has evolved into standards that are replicated at international, regional, and domestic levels. This chapter utilises the human rights framework to explore the value it may offer in addressing the issue of abuse between medical practitioners. Beginning with a brief description of the overarching instruments from which the modern understanding of human rights stem, the chapter progresses to look at the specific human rights instruments at an international, regional, and domestic level. This analysis concludes the human rights framework offers little to an individual in terms of timely redress, however, the value of this approach lies in collective advocacy. Utilising a common language, global criteria, and data, human rights act as a point of agitation which can assist in exposing archaic notions around appropriate workplace behaviours and transforming rights into enshrined legislative materials with the full protection of the law. The human rights framework should be pursued alongside a more responsive methodology, such as though legal options and mechanisms, until such a time as neither are required.
Edited by
Liz McDonald, East London NHS Foundation Trust,Roch Cantwell, Perinatal Mental Health Service and West of Scotland Mother & Baby Unit,Ian Jones, Cardiff University
Pregnancies among individuals with schizophrenia spectrum disorders have increased in recent years. In the perinatal period, individuals with schizophrenia spectrum disorders are faced with managing the unique effects of their symptoms on pregnancy and parenting, which fluctuate through the perinatal period with the early postpartum being a high-risk time for relapse. Their pregnancies are also associated with a range of adverse pregnancy, neonatal and long-term child outcomes, the risk for which may be related in part to modifiable factors. Prejudice, discrimination and subsequent isolation of perinatal individuals with schizophrenia spectrum disorders may limit health care and social support opportunities in this group, further exacerbating the risk for negative outcomes. These issues underscore the need for comprehensive management approaches including attention to pre-conception health, medication management during pregnancy and postpartum, and multifaceted support for the parent and family. This chapter is an overview of schizophrenia spectrum disorders in the perinatal period, including a summary of the epidemiology, clinical presentation, course, outcomes and management.
Esteban Echeverría (1805–1851) was born in Buenos Aires before the May 25, 1810, revolution, but was educated in the liberal environment of Bernardino Rivadavia’s government, which sent him to Paris to further his education. Upon return in 1830, he saw the rise of Juan Manuel de Rosas and became an opponent of his regime in both a literary and a political sense. He along with others founded the Asociación de Mayo in 1837, which caused his exile in Montevideo, where he wrote the compelling ‘El matadero’ (The Slaughterhouse) and published the Dogma socialista, from which the current selection is taken. The “socialism” of the title might be somewhat deceptive, in that Echeverría’s program contained the standard tenets of liberal democracy. His thoughts on the rule of law, while not entirely original, became a powerful weapon against dictatorship, one that was seen as applicable well beyond his native land and became a classic of Spanish American political thought.