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The Viewpoint Alberta Consolidated Dataset is a novel resource for understanding political attitudes and behaviours in Alberta which includes over 10,000 interviews across nine waves in 5 years. The Viewpoint dataset combines both cross-sectional and longitudinal (panel) data on Albertans’ attitudes towards political parties, federalism, democracy, social movements, energy transitions, media and a range of issue areas. We demonstrate some of these potential applications in this note. To our knowledge, this dataset is the largest and most comprehensive dataset of political attitudes in a single province that has ever been publicly released. This matters because we know much less about provincial politics than national politics in Canada, despite many of the most interesting and important political developments taking place at the provincial level. Furthermore, by following the same respondents over multiple periods of time, we can develop a much greater understanding of individual-level changes across a range of key issue domains
Co-morbid mental health diagnoses present challenges for services structured to provide disorder-specific models of treatment, such as NHS Talking Therapies services. Intolerance of uncertainty (IU) has been identified as both disorder specific and transdiagnostic, although little research explores transdiagnostic approaches to treatment of IU alone. A transdiagnostic cognitive behavioural therapy treatment targeting IU, the ‘Making Friends with Uncertainty’ (MFWU) group, was developed and piloted in a Talking Therapies primary care service in an earlier evaluation (Mofrad et al., 2020). The aim of this study was to replicate and further evaluate the intervention. Twenty people presenting with a range of anxiety disorders started the intervention in two groups. The study used a single group, within-subjects quasi-experimental design, collecting data at eight points for routine outcome measures of anxiety, depression and functioning, and five points for measures of anxiety disorder-specific symptoms and IU. Intention-to-treat analyses showed improvement on a general measure of anxiety as well as improvement on the measure of IU. Significantly there was improvement on the disorder specific measures even though the intervention was aimed at the underlying process of IU, rather than the particular symptoms targeted by these measures. The MFWU group may be an efficient and effective way to deliver a highly specified transdiagnostic intervention for intolerance of uncertainty when people are treated in a mixed group format.
Key learning aims
(1) To consider the effectiveness of a transdiagnostic group targeting IU.
(2) To develop understanding of a group intervention for building tolerance to uncertainty.
(3) To consider the impact of targeting IU on specific anxiety disorders.
(4) To offer a methodological framework for effectively evaluating a group intervention in routine practice.
As we all know from our daily experience of waking and sleeping, consciousness exists on a graded scale. Generally, both too much or too little activation of the cerebral cortex prevents conscious awareness. Objective measurements, for example via electroencephalography, of ongoing or stimulus-evoked or internally initiated neural activities in the cerebral cortex are possible. These neural activities can be related to the actual presence or absence or levels of consciousness in a person even when a person appears to be unconscious, for example after cardiac arrest or during the process of dying. Brain-wave activity during clinical death and resuscitation can be measured and compared with brain-wave activity in altered states of consciousness and normal conscious wakefulness.
The Grandee and Agitator factions of Cromwell’s New Model Army debate what is to come after the English Revolution. Equality, government by consent, and the artificial nature of property are agreed. Disagreement centers on the property qualification for the vote, and the role of natural rights.
Rawls’s primary aim was to show that his two principles are superior to utilitarianism. Utilitarianism does not take individuals seriously, treating them as mere “container persons” in the “calculus of social interests.” Rawls emphasized that the original position was one of uncertainty, not mere risk. Harsanyi had earlier derived the utilitarian principle from an original position much like Rawls’s. The difference was that Rawls applied the maximin principle of choice under uncertainty, which picks the option having the least bad worst outcome. Harsanyi instead assumed the equiprobability of all outcomes and maximized expected utility. Rawls recognized that maximin is not a good choice strategy in general use, but argued that special features of the original position favored it over the equiprobability assumption. Chief among these are those that he argued establish the lexical priority of the equal basic liberties. In the 1999 revision of A Theory of Justice, Rawls recast the argument by appealing to two moral powers – a capacity to share a sense of justice and a capacity to choose and revise one’s life plan – and a highest-order interest in setting one’s own aims and in shaping the social world in which they must be pursued.
Cold War historiography has long assumed an interruption of most pan-European, West–East economic relations between 1945 and 1989, before the circulation paradigm imposed the idea of a porosity of the ‘iron curtain’. This article offers a double displacement in the analysis of pan-European economic connections during the Cold War. It first highlights the legacy, up to the late 1950s, of pan-European economic debates about socialist economics that have been developed in the interwar period within the communist parties’ network in Europe. Second, it shows how these networks created opportunities in the people’s democracies for challenging the implementation of the Soviet economic model. A clear Cold War divide in the field of economic ideas was delayed, at least until the beginning of the 1960s. A pan-European discussion about the limits of the equation between central planning and socialist economics, developed in capitalist interwar Germany, lived on.
In this richly detailed history, Felix Jiménez Botta traces West German mobilization against human rights abuses in Latin America in the late twentieth century. Initially in the ascendant was a market-critical vision adopted by a loose, left-leaning coalition fighting against right-wing regimes seeking to destroy incipient welfare states and implant market fundamentalism. However, during the later 1970s–80s a market-friendly interpretation gained ground, emphasising negative civil and political rights at the expense of positive economic and social rights. Within these debates, the vocabulary of human rights was a malleable political language that served as a multidirectional point of reference for various actors from civil society, politics, and the churches. By analysing these opposing views of human rights, Jiménez Botta questions the revisionist interpretation of post-1970s human rights as an inherently conservative political and intellectual project. Instead, the triumph of market-friendly human rights in West Germany was contested, contingent and ultimately unfinished.
This chapter outlines the critical actions needed to combat climate change, drawing on perspectives from leaders such as Ban Ki-moon, former UN Secretary-General. It emphasises the necessity of international cooperation, robust policy frameworks, and significant investment in the green economy. The chapter highlights successful strategies, such as renewable energy initiatives in Germany, demonstrating the potential for coordinated global efforts to make substantial progress. Comprehensive emissions reduction plans and adaptation strategies are discussed, providing a detailed roadmap for urgent and effective climate action. The chapter underscores the importance of political will, financial commitment, and community engagement in achieving these goals, while pointing towards the CVF-V20’s solution that could solve both climate finance and economic vulnerability: supporting the Climate Prosperity Plans.
Vitamins are important scientific categories in different contexts. This paper argues that vitamins are investigative kinds in middle-range ontologies: categories subject to open-ended investigation and that track features of the world. Section 2 presents the history of vitamin discovery to illustrate how the introduction of the “vitamin” category and subsequent research led to the identification of many different vitamins. Section 3 explores whether vitamins can be considered natural or conventional kinds. Section 4 argues that vitamins are investigative kinds. Section 5 considers the ontology of vitamins as investigative kinds in a middle-range ontology.
Edited by
Geetha B. Nambissan, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi,Nandini Manjrekar, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai,Shivali Tukdeo, Indira Mahindra School of Education, Mahindra University, Hyderabad,Indra Sengupta, German Historical Institute London
Responding to India's continuing employment crisis, despite high rates of economic growth, the Skill India policy enacted in 2009, and re-enacted in 2014 as the Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY), was designed to train both rural and urban youth, who have high school diplomas or college degrees, in vocational skills. Skirting the issue of the lack of growth of jobs in India, the purpose of Skill India was to prepare a young workforce to meet the needs of the emerging urban economy, particularly the service sector, which leads economic growth in the current phase. This paradigm of creating a workforce, rather than work, speaks to several critical debates framing India's development; thus, a central question that has been asked is, can services indeed lead to growth in the context of a labour surplus economy? This question becomes moot given that the growth of jobs in services has been mainly in the lower rungs, or in low-value-added work. Service jobs at lower levels are typically in the informal sector with low salaries and unprotected tenures. Finally, if skills are seen as the bridge that will bring unemployed rural youth into the fold of cities, the validity of this vision is deeply challenged given the low quality of jobs and lives that the urban informal sector offers, often compelling young men and women to return to their villages. Youth have turned their backs on agriculture but remain deeply connected to their rural roots, not only as home but as a possible place from where better lives can be built if sustainable work can be found. It is in this space that the Skill India policy falters.