This chapter explores some of the ways in which the British political tradition has conceptualised ethnic minority political participation. It is primarily interested in the central race-voting nexus and sets the discussion within a wider conceptual framework. The chapter highlights the kinds of conceptual and conceptually-related difficulties that are thrown up in the study of race and ethnicity as variables in electoral behaviour. It then considers a major recurring controversy in both academic research and practical politics, namely the existence and inherent character of a distinctive ethnic minority political agenda. Moving away from minority voters, the chapter then assesses the ways in which party strategy has developed to take account of ethnicity and ethnic minorities. Lastly, there is a discussion of the need for greater conceptual clarity, in order to offset, at least partly, loose speculation about the motives and interests of ethnic minorities as citizen-participants in British electoral politics.

Chapter 2 addresses the simplest potential explanation for America’s hostility to the ICC: The US might oppose international justice in general. I show that is not the case. The US has been an ardent supporter of international justice institutions both before and after the ICC’s creation. In the period immediately following World War II, the US played an indispensable role in creating the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals that prosecuted political and military elites in Germany and Japan. After the end of the Cold War, the US once again led the way in establishing tribunals to address genocides in Yugoslavia and Rwanda. Even after the ICC’s creation, American support for international justice has remained steadfast. The US has aided several new venues of international justice, devoted significant resources to tracking down wanted war criminals, and elevated international justice issues in its diplomacy. This chapter’s key lesson is that there is something about the ICC – and the ICC alone – that piques the ire of American politicians and policymakers.

This chapter explores the early life of the unique Jewish-Arab, Hebrew-Arabic journal Mifgash-Liqa’, meaning “Encounter” or “Meeting” in both languages. Originally founded in 1964 by Sephardi writer Yehuda Burla, Yemenite Jewish writer Mordechai Tabib, and Palestinian Israeli scholar Mahmud Abbasi, it was revived by Palestinian Israeli poet and translator Muhammad Hamza Ghanayim fourteen years after its first discontinuation in 1970. In the 1980s, Mifgash-Liqa’ witnessed more profound literary, cultural, and artistic encounters between Israel’s Hebrew and Arabic speakers and with the Arab World, in an era when Mizrahi and Palestinian Israelis were finding their voices.

The chapter argues that, beyond providing publication opportunities for marginalized writers in Israel, Mifgash-Liqa’ aimed to create Israeli literature through translation and by blurring the boundary between Hebrew and Arabic literature. Examples include The Israeli Monologue by Salman Natour and A Locked Room by Shimon Ballas. Borrowing Juelietta Singh’s notion of “entanglement,” the chapter highlights an inclusiveness that abandons the desire for mastery over oneself or others. The journal’s editorials and texts embody the call for a radically different imagination, for coexistence in a yet unforeseeable future, for possibilities beyond identity politics, for what it means to be Israeli.

Understanding the financial implications of intensive care unit (ICU) survivor care is critical to the success of ICU follow-up clinics. The model of value-based healthcare first suggested by Porter and Teisburg in their 2006 book, Redefining Health Care: Creating Value-Based Competition on Results, presents a perspective from which to argue for the importance of ICU follow-up clinics. A robust understanding of the financial implications of ICU follow-up clinics must go beyond billing and collections generated by these clinics and should focus on total value provided by these clinics to patients. A general equation to assess value is value = quality / cost. Cost should include not only cost to providers or payors but also to patients and their families. We present a series of practical financial considerations when developing a follow-up clinic that focus on the value attained relative to the costs of running the clinic. We also suggest areas that would benefit from further research, such as optimal staffing, alignment of time frame for resolution of post intensive care syndrome with time points at which the value of follow-up clinics is assessed, and application of behavioral economics to ICU survivor follow-up care process design.

This chapter defines the different terms “miscarriage of justice,” “wrongful convictions” and “proven innocence.” Although these terms are often used interchangeably with differences ascribed to customs and semantics, there are critical differences between them. Miscarriages of justice is the broadest term. In some definitions, it can include any violation of rights. In the criminal context, miscarriages of justice can include unfair trials and unwarranted pre-trial detentions. A wrongful conviction is a narrower term that requires a conviction that is subsequently overturned. As measured in recently developed registries, wrongful convictions are convictions overturned on the basis of new evidence relevant to guilt or innocence. Finally, the narrowest term is proven innocence. This approach is most popular in the United States, where it is also called factual or actual innocence. It was pioneered by Edwin Borchard and used by innocence projects. Formalistic arguments that proven innocence does not violate the presumption of innocence are critiqued. Consistent with Guido Calabresi’s and Phillip Bobbitt’s tragic choice theory, the use of the different terms differs over time and place, and they are used to ration justice.

The case of Ms. Sykes demonstrates some of the ethical challenges that arise in determining whether a patient should be eligible for an advanced therapy, specifically a ventricular assist device (VAD). Ms. Sykes was in advanced heart failure and denied the VAD by the eligibility committee. The denial was out of concern that she lacked the requisite social support at home, as she had told the team her husband was medically abusive and neglectful. While some members of the team did not believe her reports, others were concerned she was being "doubly victimized" by the husband and then by not receiving the only advanced therapy available to her. Ethics was called to assist the team based on this tension. The haunting aspects of the case are relayed by a clinical ethicist who was early in her career and a senior clinical ethicist who was acting as her mentor at the time. The fairness of the eligibility decision, as well as the appropriate role boundaries of clinical ethicists, are central to what they find haunting.

This chapter takes a closer look at attitudes and behaviour surrounding the debate over social and symbolic representation and ethnicity. It aims to address the evidence surrounding the frequently repeated assumption that ethnic minorities provide some sort of natural constituency of support for greater same ethnicity representation. The chapter begins with an overview of existing theorisation and evidence surrounding political under-representation of ethnic minorities. The opening section draws the distinction between traditional supply-side factors that have been cited and researched, on the one hand (factors that characterise particular groups' reluctance to get involved in politics), against demand-side factors, on the other hand (relating to possible discrimination against minority groups based on attitudes among political insiders or gatekeepers).