On May 20, 2025, the Swedish parliament passed a new law that criminalizes the purchase of sexual acts taking place “at a distance,” that is, via digital platforms and without physical contact. It prohibits the act of promoting or financially exploiting an individual to perform a sexual act remotely for compensation and specifically bans clients from impacting the content of online sexual acts (Government Bill 2025; SVT Nyheter 2025). By targeting platforms such as OnlyFans, it aims to capture the sex industry’s digitalization and thereby decrease the vulnerability of specific groups and prevent new entries into prostitution.

The Abortion Counseling Service, a U.S. feminist organization better known as Jane, provided safe, affordable abortions to 12,000 women in Chicago during the pre-Roe era (1969–1973). Remarkably, beginning in 1970, its members, women and non-medical professionals, clandestinely performed the abortions themselves. Yet the group’s distinctive practice of political dissidence has not been carefully theorized. The article argues that Jane’s efforts were exemplary of anarchic direct action and feminist mutual aid. Their approach involved action that was “direct” in the specific sense of being unmediated and reflexive in character. Jane also enacted key mutual aid principles in their attempts to construct a community of care governed by relations of solidarity rather than charity. This account of how Jane “took” the right to abortion opens up a way of thinking about feminist organizing for reproductive justice that focuses on meeting immediate needs rather than seeking legislative change.

Despite the essential role that migrant domestic workers perform, their work—and human worth—is often disregarded. The issues facing migrant domestic workers go beyond harsh labor conditions and immigration regulations that tie their work permits to their employers. These issues—all of which migrant domestic workers have shared with me—involve a disregard for their humanity through policies that treat them as sources of contagion (e.g., mandatory annual HIV and pregnancy tests) and as wards (e.g., employers’ refusal to permit days off and the imposition of curfews). The problems facing migrant domestic workers stem from a devaluing of care and domestic work, alongside the routine ignoring of their own caring needs. A key principle of a caring society emphasizes the importance of meeting people’s caring needs (Glenn 2000). The inability of policymakers to recognize and meet migrant domestic workers’ need for care through policies shows migrant domestic workers’ invisibility.

In a profession designed for men with housewives, academic mothers continue to shoulder a disproportionate burden. Motherhood penalties in academia are well-documented, with research consistently showing negative impacts on mothers’ publication rates (Di Leo et al. n.d.; Lutter and Schröder 2020; Morgan et al. 2021), citations (Lawson et al. 2021), and promotion trajectories (Antecol et al. 2018; Finkel and Olswang 1996; Mason et al. 2019) — effects not observed among fathers. In recent years, both institutional frameworks and grassroots movements have sought to address these inequities, yet their strategies and impacts differ significantly.

In 2022, Giorgia Meloni (Fratelli d’Italia-FdI) and Marine Le Pen (Rassemblement National-RN) achieved historically significant electoral results, cementing their position as female leaders of the populist radical right. This paper examines how these figures perform and frame gender-related issues, which is still an understudied topic. Through a qualitative discourse analysis of their TikTok and Twitter content, we argue that Meloni and Le Pen exemplify strongwomen, which we innovatively construct as an extension of the notion of strongmen, through the incorporation of hegemonic femininity, and stereotypical feminine elements. Indeed, Meloni and Le Pen balance stereotypical femininity—advocating for women’s rights and exhibiting a nurturing attitude—with the strongmen traits of toughness and assertiveness, displayed towards the promotion of the family and natality, restrictive reproductive rights, and racial and gender hierarchies typical of hegemonic femininity. Notably, Meloni and Le Pen, while being classified as strongwomen, show varying degrees of hostility towards abortion and LGBTQ+ rights, and differing levels of conflation of gender with nativism.

How are feminized identities used to further the participation of Women in far-right populist movements? We examine this question by exploring the appropriation of #SavetheChildren by the far-right group, QAnon. We employ competing narratives of QAnon child trafficking campaign materials and those of Polaris, the largest anti-trafficking NGO in the United States, in an original survey of respondents to examine public responses to QAnon’s use of gendered stereotypes that tie women to motherhood and maternal duty. Our results illustrate the syncretic nature of QAnon and the complex reality of gender stereotypes. We find that motherhood and child protection narratives by QAnon do not mobilize women better than NGOs. However, QAnon narratives appear to be at least as good at mobilizing as NGO narratives and do so for the same groups. Further work in this area is crucial to understanding the complex relationship between gender and the rise of QAnon.

In the United States, women who work full-time earn substantially less than their male colleagues. The gap is even larger for intersectionally marginalized women, including women with disabilities, Black and Latina women, women with children, middle-aged women, and LGBTQ+ women. These patterns suggest that closing the wage gap will be impossible unless we consider how intersectionally marginalized women fare under US equal pay laws. Building on foundational work on the intersectional failings of US anti-discrimination laws, we provide the first large N-analysis of how women who file equal pay cases based on gender and one or more of their intersecting identities based on ability status, age, race, nationality, pregnancy, and/or sexual orientation fare in court. The analysis of 1,135 equal pay cases from 2000 to 2021 shows women who file intersectional equal pay cases are significantly less likely to win than women who file equal pay cases based on gender alone.

When most of the world’s parliaments were created, women could not vote or be elected. Correspondingly, parliaments’ rules and infrastructure as well expectations of parliamentarians’ (MPs) performance were designed around masculine standards, including the assumption that MPs had no caretaking responsibilities. Scholars seeking explanations for women’s underrepresentation argue that parliaments remain unwelcoming to those with caretaking roles. As long as women continue to bear disproportionate household obligations, increasing women’s presence in elected office requires parliaments to adopt reforms to accommodate parents. We surveyed members of Germany’s national and state parliaments about their attitudes towards parenthood and politics and support for various parenthood accommodations. We find that gender rather than being a parent shapes how politicians perceive the challenge of reconciling politics and parenthood. But shared experiences among women do not automatically produce similar attitudes about policies to make parliaments family friendly. Party ideology and gender both predict support for parliamentary reforms.

What does violence against women in politics (VAWIP) look like in authoritarian regimes that are widely portrayed as stable and “peaceful”? Existing scholarship largely centers on democracies, leaving nondemocratic contexts understudied. This article addresses the gap by examining Kuwait, the Gulf’s most democratic monarchy, where women’s educational and professional gains are highlighted even as political contestation remains tightly controlled. Drawing on 35 in-depth interviews with politicians, bureaucrats, and activists, we theorize VAWIP as a core mechanism of women’s exclusion, enabled by the collusion of hollow formal institutions and patriarchal kinship networks. In this patriarchal peace, overt physical repression is rare, but women are governed through psychological harassment, semiotic attacks, and economic pressure that constrain their resources, competence, and visibility. Conversely, male respondents report low-risk political careers. Our analysis extends VAWIP research beyond democracies, generating hypotheses on how regime type and kin-based networks shape nonphysical coercion in ostensibly peaceful authoritarian regimes.

Party youth wings are a vital pipeline to power, but have been overlooked by gender scholars. We investigate the political socialization that youth wings offer their women members, focusing on gendered trends as regards two key political attitudes. We ask: Do women and men in youth wings differ in their acquisition of personal efficacy and electoral ambition? Using YOUMEM survey data from over 3,100 youth wing members in Australia, Austria, Germany, Italy, Spain and Sweden, we find that women are more likely than men to report increased desire to influence party policy and stand as candidates – the latter especially in center-right youth wings. In addition, the more exposed members are to the youth wing, the larger the gender gaps in the acquisition of efficacy and ambition. Our results suggest that, insofar as women’s political socialization is concerned, youth wings can be forces of renovation within their parties.

The Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP) launched its Women, Money, & Politics Watch 2026 project in spring 2026, as an interactive resource for the public, candidates, officeholders, activists, and the media.1 CAWP, founded in 1971 as a unit of the Eagleton Institute of Politics at Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, is nationally recognized as the leading source of scholarly research and current data about women’s political participation in the United States. CAWP’s 2026 Women, Money, & Politics Watch provides users with real-time data about how women candidates are faring with fundraising statistics organized by candidate gender, party, and women’s racial/ethnic identities. Moreover, the project showcases the less-examined role of women as donors. This Notes from the Field offer an overview of the project including its mission and origins and describe its relationship to scholarship. CAWP’s approach to the study of money and politics is aimed at demystifying the process of donating and illuminating the fundraising landscape for the general public and political candidates, respectively.

The Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL) at the United States Department of State focuses on the interlocking issues of democracy, human rights, and workers’ rights. It is also responsible for producing annual reports on the state of human rights in countries around the world. During the administration of Joe Biden, Tambria Schroeder (TS) was the Gender Equality Policy Advisor, and Andrea Gillespie (AG) served as Senior Advisor in the Office of the Special Envoy to Advance the Human Rights of LGBTQI+ Persons and in the Office of Multilateral and Global Affairs. This is an edited and compiled version of interviews that took place with Mona Lena Krook (MLK) via Zoom on January 8, 2026, and January 27, 2026.

The Senior Coordinator for Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment at the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) was established during the first administration of Barack Obama to coordinate gender equality policy and programs across USAID bureaus and missions. Susan Markham (SM) was appointed Senior Coordinator during the second Obama administration, 2014–2017, while Jamille Bigio (JB) served in this role during the administration of President Joe Biden, 2021–2025. This is a slightly edited version of an interview that took place with Mona Lena Krook (MLK) via Zoom on March 23, 2026.

The Bureau on Democracy, Human Rights, and Governance (DRG) at the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) advanced democratic development around the globe, with a focus on building strong institutions and protecting citizens’ rights. Julie Denham (JD) served as Senior Advisor on Elections and Political Transitions. The gender team at DRG included Caroline Hubbard (CH) as Senior Gender Advisor and Team Lead, Rebecca Gordon (RG) as Senior Gender Specialist, Alessia Stewart (AS) as Gender Advisor, and Meg McClure (MM) as Coordinator of the Network for Gender Inclusive Democracy. In early 2025, the Donald Trump administration officially shut down USAID, including the democracy, human rights, and governance portfolio. This is an edited and compiled version of five interviews that took place with Mona Lena Krook (MLK) via Zoom on December 16, 2025; January 9, 2026; January 15, 2026; January 27, 2026; and January 28, 2026.

The Secretary’s Office of Global Women’s Issues (S/GWI or GWI) at the United States Department of State was established in 2009 when Hillary Clinton served as U.S. Secretary of State during the administration of Barack Obama. S/GWI’s mandate was to promote the rights and empowerment of women and girls through U.S. foreign policy. During the administration of Joe Biden, Kat Fotovat (KF) served as Senior Bureau Official and, for two years, as Acting Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women’s Issues. Rachel Wein (RW) was the Women, Peace, and Security Advisor, and Varina Winder (VW) served as Senior Advisor and Chief of Staff. In 2025, the Donald Trump administration eliminated S/GWI as well as the Ambassadorship. This is an edited and compiled version of three interviews that took place with Mona Lena Krook (MLK) via Zoom on January 7, 2026; January 14, 2026; and January 30, 2026.

The National Security Council (NSC), established in 1947, advises and assists the President of the United States on matters of national and international security. Members of the NSC include staff seconded from government agencies, like Andrea Freeman (AF) from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and Cailin Crockett (CC) from the Department of Defense. During the Joe Biden administration, CC also held a unique position dual-hatted as a Director on the NSC and as a Senior Advisor on the White House Gender Policy Council. This is a slightly edited version of interviews that took place with Mona Lena Krook (MLK) via Zoom on January 5, 2026, and February 2, 2026.

The White House Gender Policy Council (GPC) was established by President Joe Biden in 2021. It built on earlier offices like the White House Council on Women and Girls, which was created during the Barack Obama administration but was dissolved under the first Donald Trump administration, and the White House Office for Women’s Initiatives and Outreach, which existed during the Bill Clinton administration but was eliminated by the George W. Bush administration. The GPC was responsible for the advancement of gender equity and equality in both domestic and foreign policy. Jennifer Klein (JK) and Rachel Vogelstein (RV) served, respectively, as Director and Deputy Director until the GPC was dismantled by the second Trump administration in 2025. This is a slightly edited version of an interview that took place with Mona Lena Krook (MLK) via Zoom on February 16, 2026.

The Women, Peace, and Security Policy Advisor at the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) served as the agency’s lead responsible for implementing the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Act of 2017 and the 2023 U.S. Strategy on Women, Peace, and Security. Tazreen Hussain (TH) served as the USAID Women, Peace, and Security Policy Advisor from 2024 to 2025. In early 2025, the Donald Trump administration officially shut down USAID, including the women, peace, and security portfolio. This is a slightly edited version of an interview that took place with Mona Lena Krook (MLK) via Zoom on December 12, 2025.

The United States Special Envoy for the Human Rights of LGBTQI+ Persons was established by presidential mandate and sat in the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor at the U.S. Department of State. The position was established in 2015 when John Kerry served as the U.S. Secretary of State during the second Barack Obama administration. It did not exist during the first Donald Trump administration. Special Envoy Jessica Stern (JS) became the second person to hold this position when she was appointed by President Joe Biden in 2021. The post has not existed since January 2025. This is a slightly edited version of an interview that took place with Mona Lena Krook (MLK) via Zoom on January 5, 2026.