The COVID-19 pandemic is highly contagious, with symptoms such as myalgia, cough, fever, and weakness, posing a greater risk to older adults and individuals with chronic conditions. Effective management requires meaningful community involvement to reduce health inequalities and ensure people-centered health care. Engaging local voices, including leaders, health care professionals, and vulnerable populations, enhances decision-making, transparent communication, and resource mobilization. A whole-community approach, involving collaboration across various sectors, strengthens prevention, testing, and recovery efforts. By prioritizing vulnerable groups and adapting interventions to local contexts, community engagement plays a vital role in addressing the pandemic’s challenges and building a resilient health care system. This strategy not only aids in managing the current crisis but also prepares public health systems for future emergencies, emphasizing equity and comprehensive public health responses.

Mortality rate of the crush victims in the Marmara earthquake of August 1999 was compared with the conclusions arrived after making thermodynamic assessment of the data acquired in the previous earthquakes. Entropic age concept was found very helpful while assessing the data. Mortality rate in the age group of 0-9 years old crush victims was 0 because the basal metabolic rate (BMR) of these children was low. The earthquake happened at 3:03 a.m. in the morning and it was probably at the coldest time of the day; therefore, the victims were losing sufficient heat to avoid hyperpraxia, where body temperature reaches to 40°C or above. As the population and the age of the victims increase more people died and the survival rate decreased. The highest mortality rate was in the 60+ age group. According to the entropic age concept, these group of victims had already accumulated a lot of entropy (e.g., heath problems) in their bodies in previous stages of their lives; therefore, they were more prone to death.

Racial disparities and climatological disasters are complex topics rarely addressed in K-12 curricula. Each topic has long been neglected vis-à-vis a pedagogy that has either lagged behind contemporary issues or has intentionally sidestepped the importance of addressing these themes through legal and policy mechanisms that limit educators’ ability to discuss each topic. When it comes to students and communities of color in the U.S. who are unequally vulnerable to and affected by the impacts of climate change, it is a significant disservice not to provide fundamental learning opportunities that allow students to engage and contribute to the discourse surrounding these pressing issues. This project was intended to support educators and administrators in implementing pedagogy around these topics conducive to curriculum standards and explicitly developed content for students in grades 8-12. The research question was, “How can the racial inequalities of disaster vulnerability and recovery be addressed in the classroom effectively to build a comprehensive knowledge base, to educate and empower a generation of students who will experience considerably more climatological disasters in the future?"

The goal of this article is to explain two words which commentators often find puzzling – Paul’s εἴ πως, which hesitantly qualify his expectation of resurrection in Phil 3.11. After considering the semantics of εἴ πως, and various scholarly interpretations of this verse, this article will propose what is very much currently a minority view, and will offer further evidence for it. The explanation for Paul’s εἴ πως καταντήσω εἰς τὴν ἐξανάστασιν τὴν ἐκ νεκρῶν in Phil 3.11 is to be found in his uncertainty about whether he will die and be raised, or whether he will survive until the parousia. The clause also indicates his preference for the former.

Armies sometimes use fratricidal coercion—violence and intimidation against their own troops—to force reluctant soldiers to fight. How this practice affects battlefield performance remains an open question. We study fratricidal coercion using a mixed-methods strategy, drawing on (1) monthly panel data on Soviet Rifle Divisions in World War II, built from millions of declassified personnel files; (2) paired comparisons of Rifle Divisions at the Battle of Leningrad; and (3) cross-national data on 526 land battles and war outcomes from 75 conflicts (1939–2011) to assess generalizability. We offer three sets of empirical findings. First, coercion keeps some soldiers from fleeing the battlefield, but at the cost of higher casualties and reduced initiative. Second, wartime and prewar coercion (such as mass repression and officer purges) affect soldiers’ behavior in similar, mutually reinforcing ways. Third, the resolve-boosting, initiative-dampening effects of fratricidal coercion generalize across belligerents and wars. Fratricidal coercion generates compliance through fear, compelling soldiers with variable levels of resolve to conform to a uniform standard of battlefield behavior. But the net utility of this approach is dubious. On balance, countries employing fratricidal coercion are less likely to win wars.

The commentary raises important points like patients' actual availability of out- or in-patient services in the wake of pandemics and nationwide lockdowns. The focus is also drawn to missed opportunities to include data from hotlines and online services, a possible increase in death by suicides or changes in the factors that could add up to or protect a person from suicide.

During archaeological excavations at Khovle Gora, in Georgia, in the early 1960s, a remarkable artefact was discovered in the form of a footwear-shaped vessel. The vessel strongly resembles an authentic leather boot, not only due to its colour, which results from a reducing firing process, and its smooth, polished surface, but also because of its decorative elements that imitate stitching. While this particular object, unearthed at level V of Khovle Gora, is a unique find both in Shida Kartli and in the wider context of Georgia, it belongs to a widespread tradition of footwear-shaped ceramic vessels, whose presence has been documented in settlements and burial contexts across Anatolia, the South Caucasus, Northern and Northwest Iran, and Mesopotamia since at least the Late Chalcolithic period. From a cultural perspective, the pottery found alongside the footwear-shaped vessel at Khovle Gora shows typical features of East Georgian pottery of the ninth-to-seventh centuries BC, implying a chronological placement within this time period. This article examines the morphology of the vessel, which incorporates typical elements of ancient, traditionally inherited elements of South Caucasian footwear, while also highlighting its differences from contemporaneous Urartian footwear-shaped vessels.

This article traces the early origins of Black consumer culture as it was portrayed in the Black press from the late 1800s to the early 1920s. It argues that Black newspapers were important agents in shaping how African Americans conceived of and interacted with the evolving commercial sphere around the turn of the century. Papers such as the Pittsburgh Courier, the Broad Ax, the Tulsa Star, and many others celebrated participation in the consumer arena as a respectable and desired practice. They also distinguished between shopping, as a social feminine pursuit, and patronizing Black-owned businesses, which was perceived as a gender-neutral, or even manly, racial duty. Espousing African American elite ideologies such as racial uplift and self-help, Black editors presented any purchasing of goods as an upright activity, which adorned its performer with affluence, respect, and power. Such portrayal encouraged the participation of African Americans in the consumer sphere and implied that it was an arena of similarity rather than difference.