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This chapter introduces Governance by Emulation, a framework analyzing how public law models, particularly administrative and constitutional mechanisms like individual rights adjudication, are reproduced in private and regulatory governance. Focusing on corporate-controlled content moderation, it examines the European Union’s out-of-court dispute settlement bodies (ODSs) under the Digital Services Act and Meta’s Oversight Board–conceptualized as Emulated Guardians. These institutions borrow the legitimacy of courts to regulate novel, bureaucratic private power structures while addressing public demands for accountability. Grounded in law, sociology, and political science, the chapter outlines the book’s methodology and contributions. It delves into four inquiries: the actors involved, their tasks, the power they seek to discipline, and how public law principles are adapted for private governance. These dynamics highlight emulation’s duality: it promises innovation yet risks performative legitimacy devoid of substantive reform. By situating Emulated Guardians within broader global governance challenges, this chapter frames content moderation as a microcosm of future issues in sectors like AI, biotechnology, and space exploration. It concludes that while governance by emulation addresses urgent accountability demands, its efficacy depends on public engagement and institutional evolution, offering a critical lens to assess emerging accountability structures beyond state control.
This chapter evaluates the efficacy of Emulated Guardians, focusing on the EU’s out-of-court dispute settlement bodies (ODSs) and Meta’s Oversight Board, using criteria adapted from Peter Cane’s administrative law framework: rules, authority, and culture. It argues that neither body currently functions as a truly effective adjudicatory overseer of corporate power due to weak mandates and structural limitations. These shortcomings reflect a broader challenge of emulative institutions: they replicate formal structures from public law but lack the enabling sociopolitical contexts—such as democratic rulemaking or judicial authority—that underpin their role models. However, the chapter also identifies the performative potential of these bodies. By leveraging adjudicative symbolism and public expectations, both ODSs and the Oversight Board can incrementally expand their normative authority. This process, while slow and fraught, mirrors historical adjudicative strategies seen in domestic and international courts. Moreover, early practices show potential for innovation, such as integrating large language models into decision-making. By analyzing rules, authority, and culture, the chapter highlights the ambivalence of Emulated Guardians: while they risk becoming ceremonial “accountability theater,” they may also lay the groundwork for meaningful control over powerful private organizations. These findings have implications far beyond content moderation, applying to emerging governance challenges in AI, biotechnology, and other globalized sectors.
In this chapter, we outline how foreign aid and migration management practices impact governance. To do so, we set out to define a new category of aid – migration management aid – and estimate its size, distribution, and impact. We begin by taking a global picture – examining the trends, challenges, and opportunities that migration management aid presents in the twenty-first century – and then narrow our analysis to the EUTF and recipient countries in Africa. We identify three pathways for how migration management aid impacts authoritarianism and repression and explain how we explore these pathways through four case studies: Kenya, Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan. Finally, we preview the lessons that can be learned if policymakers continue to intertwine aid and migration management.
In this chapter, we trace the history of how the EU emerged as a leader in using development aid and diplomacy to restrict migration, particularly from Africa. We also broadly describe the scope of migration management projects, including their intended impact on state capacity, economic development, a country’s domestic governance including civil society, and the return of a country’s nationals via forced and voluntary repatriation. We then turn to the EUTF, analyzing where and how the EU spent more than €5 billion across the African continent. We explore which actors benefited the most, what projects received the most funding, and where these interventions had the most impact. Overall, the EUTF prioritized state capacity, security, and economic development, while civil society and other non-state actors received significantly smaller allocations.
This contribution questions the reality and possibility of the claim that the European Union (EU) is founded on “representative democracy”. In the absence of a European demos, three consecutive difficulties are analyzed: the question of the unity of the represented, the representation of citizens as EU citizens, and, finally, the quest for representativeness of the European society. The reflection’s conclusion points towards the complementarity and inseparability of the representative and participatory forms of democracy in a transnational context, with the participatory forms adding a transnational dimension to the European representative democracy.
In November 2025, the European Commission made a substantive proposal to meaningfully water down existing EU digital legislation in relation to Artificial Intelligence (AI) as part of the Digital Omnibus package. This article specifically examines the Digital Omnibus package in relation to AI, and asks: What is the underlying socio-technical imaginary on AI embedded in the European Commission’s Digital Omnibus initial proposal? Situated within the broader proliferation of omnibus legislation in the EU, we argue that the Digital Omnibus is not merely a neutral legislative technique aimed at simplification, but a device for producing institutional imaginaries that reconfigure the normative foundations of EU digital governance. Hence, the Digital Omnibus package contributes to rearticulate what counts as a desirable European future and which democratic or rights-based costs become acceptable in its name. Our analysis exemplifies how the post-regulatory state operates not by formally dismantling the EU’s regulatory architecture, but by reconfiguring it from within. The Commission’s socio-technical imaginary normalises the data extractivist model according to which the EU can only join the “AI race” if it lowers its democratic and fundamental rights standards. It therefore operates as an instrument of accelerated technosolutionism that reshapes the constitutional balance between democracy, protection of rights, procedural integrity and industrial competitiveness.
How should asylum seekers be distributed across EU member states? And can EU citizens agree on the principles underlying such distribution? While scholars have proposed various fairness principles – such as allocation based on population size, wealth, or past intake – we know little about which principles citizens support. Using an original population survey in six EU member states, this study examines public preferences for distributive fairness in asylum governance. We find widespread dissatisfaction with the status quo of large asymmetries in refugee numbers and broad support for European responsibility sharing based on fair distribution. However, there are significant differences between member states in the principles that citizens support, and these preferences are also affected by the principles that would keep the number of refugees in their own country at a minimum. These findings suggest that while there is a transnational consensus on the need to move to a fairer distribution of refugees in the EU, its practical operationalisation reveals the deeper political divides on the matter.
Artificial intelligence tools for citizen participation have been widely promoted as innovations that can make democratic decision-making more inclusive, efficient, and responsive. Much of the existing debate concentrates on the technical affordances of these tools and the possibilities they create under ideal conditions. While valuable, this focus has obscured a crucial question: who builds, funds, and adopts such tools in practice? We argue that a political economy perspective is necessary to understand the conditions under which AI for citizen participation can meaningfully contribute to democratic governance and how this proposed future may unfold in practice. Drawing on desk research, our experience in relevant research, practice, and policy communities, and informal interviews, we propose a heuristic framework that identifies archetypes of organisations building tools, the funding models that shape their incentives, and the adoption pathways that condition their use. This approach highlights the trade-offs, constraints, and dynamics that influence which tools persist and scale. We suggest that policymakers should not only ask what kinds of tools to adopt but also how to shape an ecosystem that sustains diverse, innovative, and democratically oriented approaches. Our analysis provides an ex-ante framework for situating emerging practices and identifying policy levers to help ensure that AI tools for citizen participation serve the public good.
In post-Brexit Europe, it has never been more important to understand who benefits from the European Union and its Single Market. In this innovative approach to the history of European integration, Grace Ballor reconstructs the creation of the Single Market in the 1980s and 1990s through the lens of multinational business. She both shows how policymakers viewed big business as an ally in market integration and uncovers the diverse responses of European companies, ranging from enthusiastic support for the market to opposition to its attendant social and environmental policies. Drawing on institutional and corporate archives and interviews with key policymakers and business leaders, Ballor demonstrates how businesses adapted their strategies to the new realities of integration and how these adaptations in turn shaped international markets. This is essential reading for anyone wishing to make sense of contemporary European economics and the complex relationships between business and policymaking, economy and society.
This chapter reviews the historical development of the regulation of waste and chemicals in both international law and European Union (EU) law after the 1972 Stockholm Conference as well as some of the subsequent trends and themes. It also highlights the relevant interactions between EU and international law on these issues. The chapter ends with a discussion of how the regulatory frameworks related to waste, chemicals, and products must be coordinated – both in international law and EU law – if we are to realize the vision of a toxic-free circular economy.
Although only two of the 26 principles enshrined in the 1972 Stockholm Declaration are devoted specifically to the protection of nature, they have encouraged a large number of states to conclude various international agreements of a sectoral nature, which were supplemented in 1992 by a global agreement on biodiversity. In addition to tracing the influence of the Stockholm Declaration on international nature protection law, this chapter discusses the European Union’s (EU) role in the development of international law in this field. Conversely, the chapter also looks at how EU internal rules on nature protection have been influenced by the obligations stemming from multilateral environment agreements and illustrates the cross-fertilisation that has occurred between EU and international law.
Migration management aid has increased exponentially since 2016, often funding repression in the process. Drawing on global datasets and in-depth country case studies of Kenya, Ethiopia, Egypt, and Sudan, Kelsey P. Norman and Nicholas R. Micinski present a theoretical framework for this form of foreign assistance. This study traces the historical roots and evolution of migration management aid, explaining its politics, its impact on governance, and its long-lasting, deleterious effects on migrants, refugees, and citizens alike. While wealthy countries tout migration management aid as a way of increasing development and stopping emigration from the Global South, Aiding Autocrats exposes how this type of assistance funds authoritarianism by perpetuating colonial systems of extraction and repression and allowing local elites to leverage aid for their own purposes. Aiding Autocrats is an essential contribution to scholarship on migration management, foreign aid, development, and democratization as well as Middle Eastern, African, and European politics.
Social media giants likeMeta and transnational regulators such as the European Union are transforming private governance by creatively emulating public law frameworks. Drawing on exclusive interviews and in-depth analysis of Meta's Oversight Board and the EU's Digital Services Act, this book explores how these approaches blend European and American perspectives, bridging distinct legal traditions to address the challenges of platform governance. Analysis of content moderation practices and their implications uncovers a critical pattern in the evolution of governance for industries that will define the future, from digital platforms to emerging technologies. Combining public and private law in innovative ways, the book sheds light on bold governance experiments that will shape the digital world – for better or worse. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
This article examines efforts to remake the European economy in the late twentieth century through innovations in organized business and industrial policy. By narrating the development of the “Big 12 Roundtable” and the European Strategic Program on Research in Information Technology (ESPRIT) in the 1970s and 1980s, we show how the executive institution of the European Commission responded to global competitive pressures by creating “business forums”—groups of business elites organized by policymakers to serve as policy consultants—and by developing extensive technology and research programs to support the development of European technology firms. We then trace how the Big 12 Roundtable laid the foundation for other business forums, including the European Round Table of Industrialists (ERT), and how ESPRIT paved the way for the framework programs that have been hallmarks of European industrial policy and investment in research and development for half a century. Consequently, this article expands the business historical genealogy of organized business in Europe and contributes a new history of European industrial policy.
Strategic autonomy has become a central objective of EU external economic policy, with de-risking serving as a key instrument through which the EU seeks to assert this autonomy by mitigating vulnerabilities amid intensifying trade wars. China has long been viewed as supportive of EU strategic autonomy, yet whether such support extends to the EU’s de-risking agenda remains unclear. Drawing on role theory and perceptual approaches, this article introduces an analytical framework to assess perception gaps between an actor’s self-image and external perceptions and applies it to examine the EU’s role projections and altercasting of China in the context of de-risking, as well as their validation by Chinese perceptions. It shows that, on the one hand, the EU uses de-risking to project itself as an autonomous actor vis-à-vis the United States, a defusing force in Sino–American competition, and a norm broker in economic governance, while implicitly altercasting China as an equal, normatively aligned, and responsible partner expected to act constructively in trade-war dynamics. On the other hand, Chinese perspectives contest these role claims and altercasted images, framing de-risking as a US-led containment strategy, rejecting its stabilising function, and denying its normative legitimacy – revealing clear limits to China’s support for EU strategic autonomy.
This chapter explores the evolving interplay between the Council of Europe (CoE) and the European Union (EU) in safeguarding fundamental rights in the context of media policy. Both organisations have a long history in media policy, and both have extensively adapted their standards to counter recent threats resulting from digitisation and democratic backsliding. In this process the EU has significantly expanded its safeguards for fundamental rights, traditionally the CoE’s main focus. This convergence raises the possibility of conflict but also that of mutual reinforcement. In this chapter we first sketch the history of increasing convergence between EU and CoE media policy and provide an overview of each institution’s recent overlapping activities. We then argue for a closer relationship between the two institutions in the context of fundamental rights in media policy, focusing on the need for consistency between their respective standards, the normative guidance CoE standards can provide to the EU, and the practical implementation of fundamental rights standards EU enforcement can ensure. We close by suggesting ways in which a mutually reinforcing relationship between the two institutions can be operationalised through closer legal and organisational ties.
This chapter traces how contemporary media pass through different regulatory zones and examines the different rules that govern each zone and how the zones relate to each other. It briefly charts the recent and ongoing evolution of the media, from analogue roots to generative AI futures, and notes the fundamental rights and regulatory ramifications of technology-driven innovations. It draws an analytical line from these conceptualisations through to the contemporary threats to media freedom that regulation urgently needs to address.
The contemporary proliferation of ‘reimagining’ as a cultural practice has evolved from a largely personal or artistic pursuit into a broader societal and technological phenomenon. A diverse range of actors – artists, political actors, corporations, advocacy organizations, and minority communities – now routinely engage in the reworking of popular works, symbols, and culturally significant designs. Against the backdrop of the shift from a linear economic model toward a circular economy, this chapter contends that a substantive recalibration of IP law is required. It argues that reimagining practices should be protected from excessive control by IP rights-holders through both legislative and judicial intervention. In doing so, the chapter contributes to ongoing debates concerning the appropriate equilibrium between exclusive IP rights and the fundamental right to freedom of expression.
The 2023 revision of the EU Horizontal Guidelines introduced a dedicated framework for sustainability-oriented cooperation agreements, marking the first systematic attempt to integrate environmental objectives into EU competition law. Yet, almost two years after they entered into force, DG COMP has not received a single request for informal guidance under the new provisions. This policy commentary explains this apparent policy failure by reconstructing the process through which sustainability concerns entered EU competition policy after the 2019 European elections and the European Green Deal. Drawing on historical-institutionalist process tracing, we show that the resulting adjustments were shaped by political urgency rather than gradual policy learning, and that the 2023 Guidelines reflected cautious compromise rather than transformative change. We then analyse why uptake has remained negligible: multinational firms face steep cross-border enforcement risks, particularly from jurisdictions such as the United States, where sustainability agreements can trigger antitrust liability. We conclude by assessing the EU’s strategic options (retreat, international convergence, or domestic regime stabilisation) and argue that the last of these offers the most realistic path.
This article explores the relationship between EU internal market law and ambitious tobacco end-game policies, using the United Kingdom’s proposed smoke-free generation measure and its application to Northern Ireland under the Windsor Framework as a focal case. Responding to objections raised by EU Member States through the Technical Regulations Information System (TRIS), the article develops an interpretative framework that situates free movement rules within the EU’s broader constitutional commitment to public health protection. Drawing on a doctrinal analysis of EU primary law, the Tobacco Products Directive, EU Court of Justice case law, and the TRIS submissions themselves, the article challenges claims that generational sales bans are inherently incompatible with EU law. It argues that such claims rely on narrow and selective readings of internal market doctrine that overlook the extent to which health protection is embedded in EU market regulation. The analysis demonstrates that EU law leaves significant regulatory space for national authorities to pursue proportionate, evidence-based tobacco control measures, including end-game strategies. Beyond the immediate UK–Northern Ireland context, the findings have broader implications for innovative public health regulation within the EU, contributing to ongoing debates at the intersection of health policy, regulatory governance, and economic integration.