States are increasingly resorting to international cooperative agreements to deter migrants and refugees from irregularly arriving at their borders. Although scholars have shown how these cooperative deterrence policies are undermining important refugee and human rights protections, making migration journeys more dangerous, and securitizing and criminalizing people on the move, what has not been adequately examined is how these cooperative arrangements can bring about normative changes that produce indifference to the suffering of refugees and migrants. This article examines the psychosocial dynamics of cooperative deterrence policies to show how the social processes of authorization, routinization, evasion of responsibility, and dehumanization weaken moral restraints and opportunities for moral contemplation. Governments are using these social processes to implement, legitimize, and promote harmful policies; evade legal responsibility; and obscure the moral implications of their policies. This article sheds new light on the psychosocial effects of cooperative deterrence, the dark side of international cooperation, and the role that indifference plays in maintaining and legitimizing migration deterrence polices.

Despite increasing efforts to promote and support breastfeeding, the United States continues to have some of the lowest exclusive and sustained breastfeeding rates globally. Foreign-born immigrants and refugees specifically have been reported to have high initiation but low exclusive breastfeeding (EBF) rates. This scoping review aims to explore what is known about strategies to support breastfeeding among foreign-born mothers in the United States using the Arksey & O’Malley framework for scoping reviews and PRISMA-ScR (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews). Six databases were searched using a comprehensive search strategy and 2,103 articles were identified, of which 31 met eligibility criteria and discussed 33 specific breastfeeding interventions. The articles describe a range of interventions including breastfeeding promotion and education (n=30), hands-on breastfeeding support (n=9), material support -like giving breastfeeding supplies and food- (n=16), social support (n=18), and social marketing campaigns (n=1) to promote community support for breastfeeding. Common strategies for implementing these interventions include individual counseling (n=21), group breastfeeding education (n=17), informational materials (n=12) and family support promotion (n=11). 87.2% of the immigrant mothers targeted by these breastfeeding support interventions were Hispanic; 4.5% and 7.0% were mothers of African and Asian descent respectively. This study reveals limited data and key gaps in efforts to preserve the culture of breastfeeding and promote EBF among multicultural immigrant and refugee families, particularly non-Hispanic groups. Addressing these gaps will improve optimal infant feeding practices among foreign-born mothers in the U.S and consequently maternal and infant health outcomes.

Since 2023, the armed conflict in Sudan has displaced nearly 900 000 people into eastern Chad, adding to pre-existing refugee populations and placing immense strain on already fragile health and social systems. Sudanese refugees experience high levels of psychological distress, yet Chad’s mental health services remain rudimentary, characterised by severe shortages of trained professionals and fragmented service provision. Despite underfunding, humanitarian agencies have explicitly prioritised mental health within their response framework, integrating mental health support into primary care and community-led initiatives. Cultural idioms of distress, stigma and language barriers continue to complicate care delivery, while simultaneously underscoring the importance of locally grounded approaches. Sustainable progress will require closer integration between humanitarian and development efforts, the strengthening of national systems and the expansion of community capacity. Innovative partnerships such as the Greentree Acceleration Plan offer pathways for scalable, culturally relevant interventions that may ultimately strengthen mental health systems for both refugees and host populations in Chad.

It has already been three years since millions of Ukrainians found refuge in other countries. In our longitudinal research, we examine in what way the main news websites in Poland and Czechia portray Ukrainian refugees and through that how they contribute to their social construction as a group deserving or undeserving of societal and public policy support. Data were collected from platform X, focusing on the accounts of the five most popular news websites in each country. In 2022, we expanded CARIN to CARIN+A, highlighting assistance as a booster (Zogata-Kusz, Öbrink Hobzová, and Cekiera, 2023). Now, examining the period between February 24, 2023, and July 31, 2024, we formulate a hypothesis of dimension content modification, i.e. the meaning of deservingness dimensions change over time for the same target group. Both countries exhibited similar themes and narratives. This was most visible in the attitude and reciprocity, although identity was also important. While at the beginning of the invasion the question of deservingness tied to who they are, later how they behave became crucial. Additionally, we observed normalisation of the situation, without compassion fatigue. Longitudinal media analysis is rare but crucial for countering xenophobia and nationalism.

Within the recent glut of philosophical work on hope, relatively little attention has been devoted to the circumstantial conditions that frustrate or accommodate hoping. In this article, I show how an individual’s spatial environment can constrain their capacity to sustain determinate hopes for the future via an extended case study: long-term refugee detention. Taking seriously refugees’ claims that a central cause of widespread hopelessness is the feeling of being in limbo, and drawing on recent work on the role of the imagination in hoping, I demonstrate how an individual’s spatial environment can limit imaginative access to the interim steps between their present circumstances and a desired future, making it difficult to see any way their hope could be realized.

The global expansion of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) is an understudied area of research, particularly in the Middle East. The issue is often framed through a linear, state-centric lens that oversimplifies its complexities and subordinates the role of microprocesses and individual actors. This article contributes to global and refugee history through a microhistorical study of the establishment of UNHCR’s branch office for the Middle East in Beirut in 1962. It challenges the assumption that UNHCR’s globalization process unfolded in a systematic and well-reasoned manner and presents three interconnected arguments: first, the selection of Beirut was neither purely systematic nor entirely haphazard; second, UNHCR representatives enjoyed significant freedom in shaping the structure and functions of branch offices; and third, pragmatic diplomacy, rather than strict formalization through an agreement, ensured smooth relations between UNHCR and the Lebanese government.

This article examines three refugee-established markets in Delhi, Gaffar Market in Karol Bagh after Partition, Majnu ka Tilla following the arrival of Tibetan exiles in the 1960s, and Little Kabul in Lajpat Nagar shaped by Afghan migration from the 1980s, to explore how displaced communities created forms of urban belonging through commerce. These markets did not grow from state-led rehabilitation policies alone, but from tolerated encroachments, kin-based credit, remembered trade routes, and the tactical use of temporary documents to claim legibility while existing on the margins of the state. Drawing on archival materials, including zoning reports, eviction files, newspaper reports, and planning memos, the article develops the idea of the bazaar as archive: a site where histories of displacement are bureaucratically inscribed through economic activity. It argues that these markets reflect distinct refugee modes of urbanism, which generate varied forms of vernacular cosmopolitanism, a public openness shaped not by law or multicultural planning, but by shared consumption, proximity, and economic trust. These commercial geographies reveal how post-colonial cities absorbed displacement not only through formal schemes but also through the everyday logics of trade and neighbourhood familiarity. Additionally, in the absence of legal recognition, refugees have left their marks through cultural and economic means.

Growing social, political, and economic uncertainties have shown that organizational resilience is becoming increasingly important for nonprofit organizations (NPOs). To ensure their long-term survival, NPOs need to respond to extreme events and adapt their services and processes. The theoretical premise of resource dependence theory assumes that interactions between an organization and its environment are crucial for the long-term adaptation to adversities. The present study investigates the contributions of nonprofit–private collaborations to organizational resilience of NPOs in light of the refugee crisis in Germany in 2015. Findings from a multiple holistic case study design indicate that collaborations of nonprofits with for-profit organizations support NPOs with stability, resources, expertise, and compassion to overcome resource-based, conceptual, and emotional challenges.

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) play a critical role in the response to human displacement yet face competing pressures. One ongoing site of displacement is among the 1.1 million Rohingya persons living in refugee camps in Bangladesh. NGOs are party to the ongoing humanitarian response yet operate under competing demands by multiple stakeholders. To what extent do NGOs meet the various expectations among different groups of Rohingya refugee beneficiary stakeholders? We used UNHCR survey data from 31 refugee sites in Cox’s Bazar to empirically examine the relationship between demographic and socioeconomic indicators with satisfaction levels of service provision. We find that female refugees and head of household disability (difficulty seeing, hearing, walking, remembering, or communicating) are indicators that present the most significant differences; NGO responses more often overlook the priority needs of females and persons with disabilities when compared to other refugees, a response gap that reduces their satisfaction and potentially heightens these groups’ vulnerabilities. Although UNHCR and NGOs face pressures from competing demands within beneficiary populations, they also have opportunities to develop refugee-centered policies and practices that are more responsive to vulnerable groups. Overall, this paper adds dimension to understanding of various refugee stakeholder perspectives within a camp setting.

In response to the arrival of Ukrainians in March 2022, private homestay emerged as a key tool providing a flexible alternative to traditional reception systems. This paper explores the potential of homestays as a scalable model to address the accommodation needs of diverse refugee groups. We draw on a survey of 7,200 households in Germany and find that the majority of current and potential hosts express positive experiences of living together and willingness to continue offering accommodation. Despite relative preferences in favor of hosting female and Ukrainian refugees, there is still an absolute willingness to provide homestays to several nationalities in addition to Ukranians. However, reluctance to host male refugees shows not only the perseverance of threat perceptions but will likely prevent homestay from serving all refugee demographics at scale. Nevertheless, our study suggests that homestays could meaningfully complement existing reception systems beyond the initial focus on Ukrainians.

This article addresses what motivations volunteers have for volunteering for refugees and whether these motivations differ from or complement motivations to volunteer in general, such as included in the widely used measurement instrument, the Volunteer Function Inventory (VFI). We organized eight focus groups with volunteers for refugees (N = 44) and interviewed five involved coordinators, all working in one city in the Netherlands. Results show that humanitarian concerns and social justice were highly relevant for people’s motivations, next to volunteering to obtain or improve knowledge and skills. We find support for the earlier suggested extension of the VFI with the social justice motivation. Next, the current study expands existing analysis on volunteer motivations by identifying four areas that require further attention: (1) volunteers for refugees seek a meaningful role in life; (2) are motivated by the pragmatism of this volunteer work; (3) have emotional reasons; and (4) are motivated by media exposure.

In this paper, we address the role of civil society organisations (CSOs) in Italy with regard to the integration of migrants, asylum seekers and refugees (MRAs) in the labour market. The paper analyses the role played by CSOs in practice, looking at the dynamics of demand and offer of services through the perspective of both the CSOs and MRAs. To achieve this, we combine qualitative data from semi-structured interviews to CSO representatives as well as MRAs. Our findings point out that the fragmentation of the policy framework in terms of employment and integration, and an unfavourable legislation (above all, migration law) shape the kind of prevalent activities of CSOs and negatively impact the potential for integration of MRAs in the labour market. In general, much is left to the single CSO to fill in the needs of MRAs beyond minimal provisions established by law, with just asylum seekers and refugees having better opportunities and support. Furthermore, we can also observe how economic migrants generally tend to be less supported.

Liberal democratic states have three kinds of duties towards migrants and refugees. First, they should enhance their own citizens opportunities of free movement through entering reciprocity-based agreements with other states that are sufficiently similar or with whom they share a political union. Second, they should admit economic migrants if there are expected benefits for the receiving country, the sending country and the migrants themselves. Third, they have to allow for family reunification and to contribute to refugees protection because of their commitments to universal human rights. States can contribute to the latter goal by taking in refugees or by supporting other states that do so. In the international state system, a fair distribution of both types of burdens among all states cannot be secured. In the European Union, however, the principle of sincere cooperation and the need for coordination of refugee flows in the Schengen area of internally open borders combine a normative commitment with self-interests of states to overcome this prisoners’ dilemma. All the more tragic is the blocking of European solutions by unwilling member states who are ready to sacrifice European integration because they are not ready to accept their duties towards refugees.

This article explores the interplay and collaboration between refugee organization volunteers and social service professionals. On the basis of qualitative interviews and observations, we study how volunteers from Danish local refugee organizations experience their interaction with refugees and social service professionals, and how they act and perceive their role as advocates for the refugees. The purpose is to gain insight into the everyday practices and strategies of civil society organizations attempting to balance the demands and interests of stakeholders and internal legitimacy claims in a hybrid environment. In addition to providing effective refugee assistance and services, refugee organizations achieve legitimacy through professional communication, campaign work, and networking with key political actors and stakeholders. However, although it may be less visible, advocacy-oriented activities also take place in local organizations at ‘street level.’ We identified three distinct types of strategies to balance issues of autonomy in the collaborative relationship with the municipalities and simultaneously engage in advocacy activities.

How do nonstate organizations carry out their programs in political contexts hostile to civil society activity? This paper examines the case of refugee-supporting organizations in Turkey, which hosts over 3.6 million Syrians under a temporary protection regime. While the Turkish state has taken a central role in refugee reception, nonstate organizations have played a sizeable role in refugee support. Analyzing interviews with key personnel across 23 organizations in Istanbul, the paper finds that organizational capacity and organizational identity together explain variations in CSO-state relations. While high-capacity organizations that adopt a variety of “rights-based” and “needs-based” identities will cooperate with state institutions, lower-capacity organizations use comparable signifiers to justify selective engagement or avoidance of state institutions. The paper argues that analyzing how organizations negotiate their identities can help explain variations in CSO-state relations in restrictive contexts without relying on a priori assumptions about CSO alignment with or opposition to the state.