The ongoing war in Sudan, which erupted in April 2023 between the Sudan Armed Forces and Rapid Support Forces, has generated one of the most significant humanitarian crises globally, with nearly 13 million people displaced and over 30 million requiring humanitarian assistance. Although the physical destruction and mass displacement have been widely documented, the mental health consequences, including post-traumatic stress disorder, depression and anxiety, remain critically under-recognised and under-resourced. This paper situates the current conflict within Sudan’s political and health system history, examines the fragility of existing mental health infrastructure and reviews emerging population-level mental health needs. It further highlights ongoing emergency and community-led mental health responses and identifies priority gaps for coordinated, context-appropriate intervention.

The deep evolutionary relationship between humans and intestinal parasites offers opportunities for the reconstruction of diet and living conditions in archaeological populations. Here, the authors identify eggs preserved in sediment adhering to the surface of the sacrum in Muslim burials from the Southern Necropolis at Deraheib (upper reaches of Wadi al-Allaqi, Sudan, ninth–eleventh centuries AD). Species-level identification is suggested based on egg morphology and religious taboos, revealing a high prevalence of infection by Taenia saginata, the beef tapeworm, and contributing to our understanding of diet, subsistence, climate and health in the medieval Nubian Desert.

The question of unity between Egypt and Sudan has received extensive scholarly attention, with most studies focusing on the monarchy’s efforts to preserve both polities as a single geopolitical entity. A prevailing view holds that the Free Officers abandoned this project, relinquishing Egypt’s claims to Sudan. Drawing on materials from the Egyptian National Archives and the National Archives in London, this article shows instead that unity with Sudan remained a core objective of the new military regime. I trace how an ostensibly secular regime strategically deployed religion in pursuit of this objective. I demonstrate that transnational networks of al-Azhar and Sufi orders were central to the Free Officers’ efforts to maintain Egyptian hegemony in Sudan. This analysis offers new insight into the religious diplomacy of the post-1952 regime, complicating our understanding of a key episode in Egyptian–Sudanese relations and highlighting the interplay between religion and statecraft in shaping Egyptian politics, especially under Nasser.

Washington’s leverage over political and military actors in post-Bashir Sudan has been limited. There is little agreement on whether this results from changing international and regional geopolitics, America’s foreign policy priorities and its miscalculations, or a combination of all these factors. Moving beyond these explanations, I argue that the US approach remained deeply shaped by long-standing dilemmas in its democracy promotion doctrine, bureaucratic dynamics, and the decline in domestic advocacy. Understanding these variables contributes to broader debates on US Africa policy and to democracy promotion scholarship by foregrounding domestic drivers and the limits of external support for democratic transitions.

Since 2023, the armed conflict in Sudan has displaced nearly 900 000 people into eastern Chad, adding to pre-existing refugee populations and placing immense strain on already fragile health and social systems. Sudanese refugees experience high levels of psychological distress, yet Chad’s mental health services remain rudimentary, characterised by severe shortages of trained professionals and fragmented service provision. Despite underfunding, humanitarian agencies have explicitly prioritised mental health within their response framework, integrating mental health support into primary care and community-led initiatives. Cultural idioms of distress, stigma and language barriers continue to complicate care delivery, while simultaneously underscoring the importance of locally grounded approaches. Sustainable progress will require closer integration between humanitarian and development efforts, the strengthening of national systems and the expansion of community capacity. Innovative partnerships such as the Greentree Acceleration Plan offer pathways for scalable, culturally relevant interventions that may ultimately strengthen mental health systems for both refugees and host populations in Chad.

Discussions of social organisation in early complex societies often rely on traditional narratives of a linear progression to hierarchy, but archaeological evidence is increasingly showcasing a spectrum of social structures. Here, examination of burial practices in 50 tombs from Kedurma, Sudan, helps illustrate social stratification and identity negotiation beyond the binary rendering of elite/non-elite during the Meroitic period (third century BC to fourth century AD). The diversity of architectural forms and grave goods highlights the importance of inter-regional exchange networks and a more fluid social dynamic, contributing to our understanding of early African state formation.

The transatlantic crisis of 2003 was not only about the Iraq War. It concerned a range of foreign policy issues, as well as commitments to multilateralism and security institutions more broadly. The dispute over the International Criminal Court (ICC), for example, was frequently cited as evidence of a transatlantic rupture or a growing gap between Europe and America. The US proved deeply ambivalent about the idea of a permanent court with independent powers and weary about limiting its own foreign policy maneuverability. The European debate, while internally fragmented, generally supported a Court that mirrored its own structures, cut across power politics and extended a legal regime internationally. Barack Obama's election brought a new wave of optimism in transatlantic relations as many expected his foreign policies would be more aligned with European priorities. The tone improved decidedly in 2009, and because of political and humanitarian crises in Sudan the US prepared itself to engage constructively with the ICC. Nevertheless, as this article demonstrates, the US and Europe are still worlds apart on the ICC and the international legal order that it represents.

Between December 2018 and August 2019, political activities in Sudan resulted in the overthrow of the incumbent regime. Despite efforts by the security apparatus to retain control, continued mobilization of Sudanese working peoples ensured civilian participation in the transitional government. How did the organization of Sudanese working peoples lead to the overthrow of the regime and challenge the state? Drawing on the work of Global African thinkers, and analyzing organizational documents, systematically collected media reports on the uprising (2018–2019), and insights from ethnographic fieldwork in Khartoum (2022), I argue that the nonhierarchical coordination of autonomous, self-organized groups - such as the Neighborhood Resistance Committees and Tea Sellers Association - representing different sections of the working poeples was central to the movement’s success. These findings enrich our understanding of the Sudanese revolutionary process by showing how coordinated self-organization served as an asset for political change.

As the capital of medieval Makuria, Old Dongola, Sudan was one of the largest sites in the region and a center of religious and cultural importance. The annex to the monastery on Kom H at Old Dongola, functioning from the 6/7th through 14/15th c. CE, contains three distinct burial crypts that have been proposed as having been utilized for the burials of social elites, quite likely Makurian Church or monastic officials. Each crypt contains multiple burials, ranging from five (Crypt 3) to seven (Crypts 1 and 2), bringing forth questions of temporality and re-use. Medieval Makurian burials do not typically contain grave goods or personal items, reducing the possibility of establishing temporality through relative dating. In the absence of substantial grave goods allowing for seriation and temporal affiliation of interments, and with only the epitaph of Georgios providing a date of 1113 CE, it has thus far not been possible to differentiate the timeframes of interment for the individuals interred within Crypts 1–3 on Kom H at Old Dongola nor the establishment of these crypts in relation to the monastery. To gain further insight to the periods of use of these crypt burial spaces, 18 human bone collagen samples were submitted for radiocarbon dating at Poznań Radiocarbon Laboratory. The results of radiocarbon dating provide novel insights to the use of Crypts 1–3 at the Kom H monastery, allowing for periodization of this burial environment in relation to the larger adjacent medieval cemetery and Old Dongola community.

Educational pathways in colonial and postcolonial spaces often range far beyond the classroom. Reconstructing histories of this wider terrain of education reveals long-running arguments over what types of new knowledge might be most useful for living well amid war and within fast-changing colonial and postcolonial states. These debates over the provision of useful knowledge—including military, mechanical, linguistic, and religious training—are a window into how people have discussed changing ideas of authority, class mobility, and the future. We trace a wider terrain of education in southern (now South) Sudan, where education histories have generally either focused on a handful of mission-founded formal schools or hagiographies of powerful military men with PhDs. Drawing on archival evidence and interviews gathered in South Sudan since 2019, we argue that histories of education in colonial and postcolonial Africa are crucial to understanding intellectual histories in everyday life.

Sudan’s political distortions under Bashir’s regime between 1989 and 2018 resulted in multiple economic crises and civil wars. After assuming office in 2019, the Transitional Government implemented economic reforms aiming to stabilize the economy. It sought support from donors and international financial institutions, who conditioned support on stringent conditions. Civil society publicly decried the economic reforms and warned of the implications of discounting Sudan’s political distortions. Ultimately, the military orchestrated a coup citing poor economic management. Sudan’s experience highlights the importance of contextual policymaking during political transitions and the limitations of the approach employed by donors and multilateral organizations.

To date, there is no systematic research on the overlapping challenges of wildlife conservation and security in South Sudan, where the wildlife service (WLS) has institutionally survived for over a century while contending with poor state capacity and responsibility for protected areas (PAs) that cover vast territories characterized by chronic insecurity and food scarcity. Integrated into the country’s “Organized Forces,” South Sudan’s park rangers play roles beyond conservation as armed actors in complex conflicts. Data obtained from archival research and field interviews shows that South Sudan’s wildlife authorities have persisted since the colonial period in spite and because of chronic warfare.

The civil war in Sudan, often overshadowed by other global conflicts, has deep roots in the country’s colonial past and ongoing struggles with governance. Despite early hopes for democracy, the situation deteriorated, leading to widespread violence and humanitarian crises. The war has seen mass displacement and severe restrictions on communication. Academia cannot remain silent in the face of such events. More importantly, we need to re-centre our practices from the outset, not just during in times of war. Archaeology plays a crucial role in this endeavour, but only if it actively moves away from its colonial past. The archaeological project at Jebel Moya is a fully joint collaboration between Sudanese archaeologists and those based in the Global North. It highlights the intersection of archaeology and contemporary conflict, underscoring the importance of equitable partnerships in post–colonial contexts. The narrative calls for international support for Sudanese scholars and students, emphasizing the need for flexibility, assistance, and a platform for Sudanese voices in the global academic community.

Southern Sudan has a low population density, abundant land and tremendous agricultural potential. A large number of domesticated crops are grown in the region in a range of cropping systems. There are also numerous useful wild plant genetic resources. Little collecting work has been done in the region, there are few accessions from southern Sudan stored ex situ and publications on the actual and potential plant genetic resources for agriculture are sparse. The region has been a centre of civil conflict with little respite since independence in 1956. The farmers’ fields and natural environments represent in situ genebanks, which following the cessation of hostilities will become extremely important for the rehabilitation of subsistence agriculture, the promotion of cash crop production and the revitalization of the regional economy. Several wild plant species are highly nutritious and merit the attention of plant scientists. This article describes some of the domesticated, semi-domesticated and wild plant genetic resources of the area, and suggests why these are important for agricultural rehabilitation following implementation of a peace accord.