To send content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about sending content to .
To send content items to your Kindle, first ensure email@example.com
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about sending to your Kindle.
Note you can select to send to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be sent to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Informal institutions are the voluntary social arrangements established between households that are used to solve problems that they cannot resolve on their own. Examples from seven ancient and premodern societies are used to illustrate the operation of informal institutions to mobilize labor, establish and maintain interhousehold social networks, obtain spouses, construct intergroup trade networks, and supply emergency support to avoid household failure.
Merchants were an important feature of the ancient commercial landscape. This chapter examines the merchant’s dilemma, the conditions that gave rise to their appearance, and the way that merchants operated in the ancient world. Structures of operation discussed include commenda partnerships, diaspora communities, and the role merchants played in the development of the putting-out system of managed production. Examples discussed include tribal merchants in New Guinea and South India as well as merchants in the state-level societies of Bronze Age Assur and Aztec Mexico.
Marketplaces were the lifeblood of household provisioning and occurred in many state and stateless societies throughout the ancient and premodern past. This chapter examines the nature of market exchange, the different types of marketplaces documented in societies of different scale, and the factors involved in their origin. Case studies are discussed from multiple state and stateless societies around the world.
This chapter examines four forces that fostered the development of centralized leadership in early complex societies: the development of resource-holding groups, the intensification of production, the need for mutual protection, and the necessity of regulating interaction with neighboring groups. The palace was an important institution in many early societies, and the Bronze Age kingdoms of Old Kingdom Egypt and Canaanite Ugarit are examined for how they were organized.
In this chapter, we provide an overview of the theoretical basis of, barriers to, and interventions aimed at improving belonging in schools. Our discussion focuses on interpersonal relations and individual perceptions as fundamental to the sense of belonging. We review research on belonging as a fundamental human motive as well as newer work exploring variability in the experience of belonging. We also address barriers to belonging, illustrating the relational role of peers and teachers. We conclude by highlighting three interventions shown to foster belonging in an educational context, focusing on challenging psychological perceptions of threat (Walton & Cohen, 2011), changing the climate (Walton et al., 2015), and promoting cross-group friendships (Page-Gould, Mendoza-Denton, & Tropp, 2008). Throughout the chapter, we highlight the importance of the roles of the institution, community, and individuals involved.
The idea that international law and institutions represent cooperative means for resolving inter-state disputes is so common as to be almost taken for granted in International Relations scholarship. Global-governance scholars often use the terms international law and cooperation interchangeably and treat legalization as a subset of the broader category of inter-governmental cooperation. This paper highlights the methodological and substantive problems that follow from equating ‘global governance’ with ‘international cooperation’ and suggests an alternative. The traditional model applies liberal political theory to the study of international institutions and interprets global governance as the realization of shared interests. It deflects research away from questions about trade-offs and winners or losers. In place of cooperation theory, I outline an overtly political methodology that assumes that governance – global or otherwise – necessarily favors some interests over others. In scholarship, the difference is evident in research methods, normative interpretation, and policy recommendations, as research is reoriented toward understanding how international institutions redistribute inequalities of wealth and power.
Social norms pervade society and when they conflict with legal norms, the former undermine the latter making them ineffective. In this study, we propose that the extortion racket in Sicily has turned into a social norm and this is why recent top-down interventions have failed in stalling this socially undesirable activity. One exception is represented by Addiopizzo, a grass root movement that uses non-legal means to fight the racket phenomenon in Sicily. During the last 15 years, Addiopizzo was able to produce an effective reduction in the payment of protection money in the Sicilian city of Palermo by triggering, we suggest, among other things, a process of change in social norms. Acknowledging the importance of a change in social norms to achieve social change allows us to link the theory of institutions as ‘rules’ with the theory of institutions as ‘equilibria’.
This chapter draws attention to the Afrocentric linguistic and literacy practices of English-additional-language students in the department mechanical engineering at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology in reclaiming their rightful voice in recuperating the curriculum in the process of decolonisation. As part of a broader study, the author created a multimodal intervention for the students who were struggling to gain access to their discipline-specific language. The chapter reports on their elicited experiences in making sense of the curriculum by using these multimodal resources. From a theoretical perspective, the chapter draws on Hornberger’s continua of biliteracy model to provide us with a lens to discuss the responses and language practices of the participants. Questionnaires, focus group interviews and various excerpts gathered from texts produced by English-as-additional language students provided the data for the study. The findings point to dehegemonising practices and the restructuring of knowledge that recognises Afrocentric literacies and cultures.
Social order in the Navy was produced vertically through formal institutions and professional practices that usually assured good governance. It was also produced horizontally through informal mechanisms that knitted seamen to one another, provided leadership and enabled cooperation. This social order could be fragile, however. Poor governance fomented grievances and incidents of misrule focused existing grievances on commanders. As grievances mounted, the informal groups that gave coherence to seamen’s lives provide a basis for protest. The challenge for seamen was coordinating a response and attaining the solidarity necessary to achieve their collective goals.
The move to a more digital, more mobile, and more platform-dominated media environment represents a change to the institutions and infrastructures of free expression and a form of “democratic creative destruction” that challenges incumbent institutions, creates new ones, and in many ways empowers individual citizens, even as this change also leaves both individuals and institutions increasingly dependent on a few large US-based technology companies and subjects many historically disadvantaged groups to more abuse and harassment online. This chapter aims to step away from assessing the democratic implications of the internet on the basis of individual cases, countries, or outcomes, but rather to focus on how structural changes in the media are intertwined with changes in democratic politics.
The conclusion begins by exploring questions of internal and external validity. In the latter case, the concept of religious group identity is applied to faiths other than Islam and is found to extend to other egalitarian faiths, including Judaism and Buddhism. In addition, cross-national data on vote volatility confirm that the trust problem in voter coordination extends beyond the Turkish case. Delving into some out-of-sample predictions, I consider where in the Muslim world Islamic groups might be particularly successful, based on a combination of low trust and salient Islamic identity. I also explore what might explain the strange combination of low trust and high honesty in Muslim countries. To address this trust deficit, I suggest that over-bearing institutions may play a key role in not allowing citizens to learn who among them can really be trusted. Finally, I consider what factors from within my theory could explain the eventual decline of Islamic-based groups, in Turkey and elsewhere, before posing some questions for future lines of inquiry.
In the context of the arrival of Syrians as of 2011 and the subsequent humanitarian assistance received in light of the EU–Turkey deal in 2016, there has been increased control over civil society organizations (CSOs) in Turkey. Through the case study of language education, this paper examines the relationship between the state and CSOs as shaped by the presence of Syrian refugees and how it evolved through the autonomy of state bureaucracy. It demonstrates that increased control led to the proliferation of larger projects, the deterrence of smaller CSOs, and a hierarchy between organizations prioritizing those that are aligned with the state. It argues that this policy is not only the result of the increased lack of trust between state and civil society but also an attempt to channel funds through state institutions to handle an unprecedented number of refugees while externalizing some of its functions. At the same time, this emerging relationship effectively allows the state to avoid making long-term integration policies and facing growing tensions among the public. This study is based on a qualitative study encompassing interviews with state officials as well as stakeholders in different types of CSOs that deliver language education for adults.
Drawing on an ethnographic study in two counties in Hunan province, this article explores how political brokerage has contributed to political order in China by facilitating contentious and non-contentious bargaining between the government and ordinary people. To account for the changing role of village leaders in rural politics, the article develops a concept of dual brokerage. This concept not only recognizes formal and informal linkages between village leaders and the two principals – the government and the community of villagers – but also underscores the interactivity between the linkages. We contend that despite the tensions between village leaders’ roles as state agents and as village representatives, these two roles in the reform era tend to be mutually beneficial. Under such an institutional configuration, village leaders in China in the reform era have strong incentives to act as dual agents and can make policy implementation more flexible and the use of state force more moderate. A comparison between the trilateral interactions before and after the tax reform in 2005 confirms that whether village leaders can effectively act as dual agents has a significant impact on the quality of rural governance in China.
Chapter 11 reiterates that after the (premature) celebration of the splendor of the EMU, the crisis has soon shown the sad reality. A debate on the various prospects open has then arisen, involving economists, politologists, political parties, and laymen. The EMU is now really at a crossroads. A number of differences divide the various countries and make amendments to its institutions very difficult to devise and, even more, to implement. The Union would need more common institutions, notably a fiscal union, but there are a number of obstacles to its implementation. These derive from structural differences between the countries that have even been exacerbated by the effects of the crisis and differences finding their roots in historical, cultural, and material differences. The main alternatives open to the EMU are: its break up, a many-speed Union, exit of some countries, structural reforms of the EMU institutions and policies. While the perspective of a break up seems to fade, the other alternatives are still grounded. Some steps for pursuing over the next years not only economic and political goals, but also democratic accountability and effective governance are possible. Much will depend on the orientation of the new Commission.
The policies implemented in the EMU and the differences with the United States are described in Chapter 6. They added to the negative consequences of the institutional differences. The content of the policies implemented in the two areas was rather different. More importantly, the evolution of the crisis and the outcomes of policies remarkably differ. In Europe the original determinants of the crisis were of a purely financial nature, as in the United States. However, they evolved into a sovereign debt crisis, which was not the case in the United States. We attribute this largely to the different institutions in the two areas, in addition to the policies enacted, which were anyway to a large extent constrained by these institutions. Policymakers were either incapable of taking the opportunity to reform them or interested in keeping them and making them to serve national or other interests. Monetary policies have prevailed in both the United States and EMU, but in Washington they have been complemented by federal fiscal policies in the initial, decisive, phase of the crisis. By contrast, no similar expansionary policy was implemented in Europe, where fiscal policies were managed at the state level and were generally deflationary.
Finally, Chapter 6 draws on the book’s analysis to make conclusions and recommendations designed to improve the effectiveness of domestic human rights implementation. These recommendations regarding social institutions are directed primarily towards states parties to international human rights treaties, as well as to the UN treaty bodies. It urges a shift in the international discourse on culture and human rights, a more creative approach to implementation measures, and greater scope for non-state actors. The chapter situates this analysis in the present context of globalisation, the rise of privatisation and the changing role of the state. It also looks ahead to projections of increasing religiosity and to Islam becoming the world’s largest religion. The chapter explores the broader application of the book’s main contention and its thematic connection to other scholarship on human rights narratives and challenges to state-centricity.
The introductory chapter frames the book in the contemporary setting of persistent human rights violations, increasing human rights contestation and shifting global dynamics. The chapter articulates the challenge of human rights implementation, highlighting the gap between international norms and local realities. It identifies several problematic factors in the effective domestic implementation of international human rights law. First, the chapter addresses the long-standing cultural critique of universal human rights, and their continued cultural disconnect in many societies today. It then addresses the state-centric and legalistic nature of human rights as problematic factors in implementation. This first chapter advocates an increased role for other (non-legal) measures and other (non-state) actors in the domestic implementation of human rights in order to overcome the problems identified. Specifically, a greater role for social institutions is advocated. Finally, the first chapter sets out the book’s research design, case study and structure.
Based on the concept of limited and open access orders (LAO/OAO), this paper explains what appears to be a paradox: how was it possible that a former civil war country, Mozambique, which had been extremely successful in attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) and which the International Monetary Fund praised as a great Sub-Sahara African success story in 2007, only a few years later found itself on the brink of a new civil war? We argue that the destabilization of the country was the result of a toxic mix of domestic politics and a massive inflow of FDI. FDI provided rents to an increasingly dominant state party, FRELIMO, which could be appropriated one-sidedly. It then used these rents to oppress RENAMO, its previous civil war enemy and currently its main opposition party, to monopolize power. This strategy seemed to be successful until RENAMO, faced with the risk of being politically marginalized (and of losing its rents accordingly), returned to armed conflict in 2013. By analyzing the links between the macro-level of national politics and the micro-level of an enterprise and by embedding the interplay between polity and economy into an international context, the paper also makes a theoretical contribution to the LAO/OAO concept.
The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable development Goals (SDGs) and the Paris Agreement on climate change provide a license to change the existing global economic model. Production and consumption needs to be transformed to be sustainable so that we can live within our planetary boundaries. An essential part of this transformation will be a forest-based circular bioeconomy, which builds on the world’s biggest land-based natural capital – forests – and the synergies of the circular economy and bioeconomy concepts. Biology, science, technology, resource efficiency and sustainability are laying the foundations for this transformation. Within this context, forest bio-based products have emerged that can substitute fossil-based materials like plastics, chemicals, synthetic textiles, cement and many other materials. This chapter analyses this ongoing transformation, focusing on forest-based products, and examines what this role looks like by exploring trends in current market structures and forest products in this transformation, and asks how will these new emerging bioeconomy markets develop? Central to this chapter are other questions such as what role do polices play in the transformation, and how do the forest companies and institutions evolve in the coming decades? It is important to acknowledge that there are many ecosystem services related to forest bioeconomy that play an even greater role in sustaining life on earth – and therefore facilitating the bioeconomy - than the products we address in this chapter.
Forest policy is a wicked problem precisely because forests matter to so many different people for so many different reasons. Developing institutions to mediate among the various claimants to forest land, buyers and sellers of forest goods, and beneficiaries of forest services has proven challenging to local user groups and international negotiators alike. This chapter focuses on tropical forests, which have a disproportionately significant value for global biodiversity conservation and climate stability, as well as contributing to the livelihoods of some of the world’s poorest people. However, tropical forests are disappearing at alarming rates. There are no simple solutions to solving wicked forest policy problems, but community forestry, improved governance, changing norms, new forms of finance and technology, such as advances in remote sensing technology, are crucial to sustainably managing forests.