This chapter considers the extent to which Agostino Brunias's Carib pictures provided a visual narrative to reinforce the insistent distinction between Red and Black Caribs made by British colonialists in the Lesser Antilles. It offers a focused study of Brunias's Carib pictures within the political and cultural context of their creation. The chapter discusses the unique historical circumstances regarding the British-Carib conflict in St Vincent, giving particular attention to Sir William Young's influential Account of the Black Charaibs, long regarded as the seminal text on the Black Caribs. It presents an overview of the shifting theoretical discourses around race that inform Brunias's representation of Red and Black Caribs. Paintings such as Family of Charaibs reinforced colonialists' assessments of the Red Caribs as not only the true Indians, but the good ones as well.

The re-domestication of the end of the British Raj in and around the production of Indian Ink has, moreover, an intimately familial history. In the case of empire, the danger is not that it will disappear as a subject, but rather that the staging of its end will produce heroes and heroines in new, and newly seductive, romances of empire. In the case of Raj nostalgia, the challenge is to understand the ways in which the loss of India offers an apparently endless opportunity to see empire. In addition to being an orientalist production, the Aldwych version of Indian Ink was clearly an exercise in feeding what was left of the Raj nostalgia machine in the 1990s. White women are the keepers of imperial memory, and in the end, like many memsahibs before 1947, they remain guarantors of empire's reproduction for future generations.

Indians recognized the imperial significance of an official's marriage. In the 1881 Census of India, significant numbers of married Englishwomen reported their occupation as being the same as their husbands' profession. From the late nineteenth century, Anglo-Indians constructed an idea of family and marriage that was, both literally and metaphorically, the foundation for British imperialism in India. Although imperial marriage was very modern in its emphasis on companionship and partnership, it also incorporated more traditional ideas about husbands, wives and families. The Raj acknowledged wifely efforts for the empire and tacitly recognized the joint nature of imperial work by according a spouse the same social status as her husband. The professional partnership between husband and wife often blurred visible distinctions between the imperial official and his spouse, effectively erasing the line between a private femininity and a public masculinity.

This introduction presents an overview of key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book traces the British interactions between a legal event, its imperial others, and the sources that circulated in the public sphere. It considers the struggles between and among legal authorities and subjects as they negotiated the fine line between Anglican English men and the many who called London home but were not considered English. The book explores an element of what contemporaries would have recognized as the characteristics of rule of law. It focuses on the discussion of the constitution and whether or not a Parliament can lawfully disband itself as London's Westminster planned to do in the Acts of Union. The book examines the Acts that abolished Ireland's Parliament, granting 100 seats to Irish MPs in Westminster's House of Commons and 28 seats to Irish Peers in the House of Lords.

The international agreement of 1933 marked an important stage in the transformation of reserves into national parks. It was a marker for the translation of African policies into Asia. This chapter examines the third phase of conservation developments when the preservationist ideas of game legislation and reserves moved towards the more genuinely conservationist concept of the national park. It also examines the development of conservationism in Malaya, Ceylon, Burma and, at somewhat greater length, India. The 1930s were indeed a decade of intensive activity in reporting upon colonial preservation policies, the creation of game departments, and the transformation of reserves into national parks. Conservationist pressure produced a new Wild Animals and Birds Protection Enactment in 1922. The Act included provision for licences, a ban on killing immature animals, the need for keeping game records, and the possibility of proclaiming game sanctuaries and the appointment of a game warden.

This chapter begins with a survey of the critical fortunes of Villette: what might be characterised as its struggle to obtain autonomy as a novel, rather than as Charlotte Bronte's thinly disguised autobiography. Bronte's uncontrolled channelling of 'hunger, rebellion and rage' was considered far too instinctive, even for some of her sympathetic critics, to conform to logical, 'masculine' novelistic structural proprieties. The chapter considers the problem of transmedial adaptation for a novel that has such a distinctive vision, and that can be interpreted as, in some ways, always already an adaptation of other texts. It identifies a series of perceived or potential problems in adapting Villette's themes of surveillance and education, along with its characterisation of Lucy Snowe and Paul Emanuel, and its ambiguous ending. The chapter argues that the solutions that radio and theatre adapters have found can force us into a reassessment of Villette's power and distinctiveness.

This concluding chapter first summarises the key findings of this book. It states that European integration - as an external constraint - cannot be made solely responsible for the erosion of intra-party democracy. Rather, it argues that the three centre-left parties have (to varying degrees) missed the opportunity to adapt their organisations to this multi-level reality. Despite recent attempts by the leaderships of the three parties to empower the grassroots, for example through the use of referendums and policy consultations, deep and meaningful debates on the European Union remain rare. As a consequence, the broader party organisations lack EU-savvy and the means to scrutinise the leadership. The chapter then reflects on intra-party democracy, power dynamics and accountability inside the parties of the centre-left. It argues that assembly-based modes of decision-making are slower and more cumbersome, but more suitable than direct democracy, when it comes to EU matters. Last but not least, this chapter highlights the current challenges faced by the centre-left in Europe, such as the lack of a coherent EU narrative and the adoption of right-wing policies.